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Garum

De re coquinaria

Apicius de Re Conquinaira

De re coquinaria (ou Ars Magirica, ou Apicius Culinaris) é um compêndio de receitas culinárias da Roma antiga, de autoria atribuída ao gastrônomo Marcus Gavius Apicius (25 a.C. – 37 d.C.), que ficou conhecido a partir de manuscritos organizados por monges de Fulda, na Alemanha, nos séculos VIII e IX e editados somente no século XIX. Originalmente escrito em latim, as receitas trazem exemplos de outras culinárias além da romana, como a grega por exemplo.

No De re coquinaria, o garum é referido quarenta e duas vezes (Lagóstena Barrios, 2007: 275), constituindo um ingrediente imprescindível de muitos pratos deste livro de receitas. Todavia, os molhos de peixe, quase sempre referidos como liquamen, estão presentes de alguma forma em cerca de 350 das pouco mais de 500 receitas apresentadas, ao passo que o sal aparece em 31 receitas (Curtis, 1984: 439).

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Garum Publicações e estudos

The Rise, Fall, and Rise Again of Garum

The Rise, Fall, and Rise Again of Garum

Trinh Fred Carpenter, Metro State and Gaius Stern, UC Berk (retired

fred.carpenter@metrostate.edu
gaius@berkeley.edu

The poet Ovid was exiled to the far reaches of the ancient Roman Empire by the Emperor Augustus in 8 CE.  In his exile at Tomis, now modern day Romania, he lamented the things he missed, including food and the sound of his language.  It is with this thought that we discuss a common ingredient in Roman cookery, garum, which has suffered unfair notoriety as “a disgusting sauce made from rotting fish guts”[1] by those who have never tasted it.  The journey of garum from prominence to exile and return strangely runs parallel to Ovid whose fame returns centuries after his exile.

[1]See for example, clumsydisaster:  “… the mere idea of fish guts fermenting in a jar just makes me want to gag.  It was popular enough though that its end product was sought after by pretty much everyone.  It would be mixed with wine, vinegar, black pepper, oil, diluted with water, etc.  They even thought it was the best cure for dysentery and was a great hair remover. It seems that not only are the Romans out for tastiness but they’re out for versatility.
I’d like to add though that the end product (after all the petrifying and liquifying and obvious vomiting I’d have been doing if I had to make it) was considered quite yummy.  Kind of on par to certain Asian sauces used in Asian cuisine today. I think I just get caught on the smell. Could you imagine that? Yuck.”  From https://clumsydisaster.wordpress.com/2011/08/25/what-is-that-smell/  posted 25 Aug. 2011, 20 Sept. 2012.

What is garum?  Garum, to put it simply, is a preserved fish product.  Its origins trace to ancient Greece with the word, garos, and into Latin as garum.  Garum is simply salt, fish, sun and time:  Time for the fish to decay into a liquid and decomposed flesh at the bottom of a container.  Garum is produced in a very similar manner to Asian fish sauce, or perhaps more correctly, Asian fish sauce is produced much like Garum.  We can assume that the nutritional profile is similar with a product that is rich in umami or the fifth taste, usually associated with savoriness.  It has a taste that is called “meaty.”  Foods that are considered heavy umami are rich in glutamic acid, ribonucleotides, and inosinates, such as soy sauce, tomatoes, mushrooms, cheese, and preserved meats.  Fish sauce is also rich in nutrients and can serve as a source of amino acids and protein (Thongthai).  Brillat Savarin said that, “cheese was milk’s leap towards immortality,” and the same could be said of garum.  Using salt and fermentation, a volatile product, fish, is transformed into a long stored food item that is easily transported over long distance and served as a source of salt and protein to a growing empire that was still eaten into the Byzantine period.
The earliest surviving mention of a form of garum comes from the Greeks from the 5th century BCE Athenian Old Comedy playwright Cratinus (519 – 422 BC), an older contemporary of Sophocles.[2]

[2]Kock fragment 1.95 apud  Athen. 2.67c:  ΓΑΡΟΣ. Κρατῖνος 1.95 K:  ὁ τάλαρος ὑμῶν διάπλεως ἔσται γάρου.
Regarding garum:  Cratinus says — Your basket will be full of pickled fish sauce.
For other sources mentioned throughout viz. Manil. Astron. 5.671 ff; Seneca Ep. 95. 25; Pliny NH 31.93ff; Martial Epig. 3.77.5, 11.27; Oneirocritica1.68; Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 20.3.19-20.

Other fragments survive from Pherecrates, Sophocles, Aeschylus and a poet named Plato.[3]
 Our main source of information on how to use garum and Roman cookery is the lone surviving cookbook from the Roman empire, Apicius’ De re coquinaria (“On the Subject of Cooking:)  Over 70% of the ~465 recipes in the cookbook use liquamen, the first draw of garum (think of virgin olive oil).  We are at a loss for the absence of these and other sources except as quotes in the Deipnosophistae of Athenaeus, a collection of dinner table discussions on everything from human virtues to types of vases and cups.  Garum comes up as a subject at least twice, Deip. 2.67c, 9.366c:  “And I also see garum sauce beaten up in a mixture with vinegar. 

[3]Kock fragments 1,197, 545 = T.G.P.2 264, Kock fragment 1.656, 55 = T.G.P.2 71 apud  Athen. 2.67c:  Φερεκράτης 1.197 K:  ἀνεμολύνθη τὴνὑπήνην τῷ γάρῳ.
And Pherecrates says—
His beard was all soaked with fish sauce.
Σοφοκλῆς Τριπτολέμῳ fr. 545 N:  τοῦ ταριχηροῦ γάρου.
And Sophocles, in his Triptolemus, says —  Eating this briny season’d pickle.
Πλάτων 1.656 K:  ἐν σαπρῷ γάρῳ βάπτοντες ἀποπνίξουσί με.  = fr. 198 Edmonds.
ὅτι δ᾽ ἀρσενικόν ἐστι τοὔνομα Αἰσχύλος δηλοῖ εἰπών fr. 55 N:  καὶ τὸν ἰχθύων γάρον.
And Plato the comic writer says—
These men will choke me, steeping me in putrid pickle.
But the word γάρος, fish sauce, is a masculine noun, as Aeschylus proves, when he says “and the fishy sauce.”

“And I also see garum sauce beaten up in a mixture with vinegar. I know that in our day some inhabitants of Pontus prepare a special kind which is called vinegar garum.”[4]  This line indicates yet another far from Rome local industry of garum production in the 2nd century AD, for the consumption of garum became an identity establishing feature of the Roman Empire, not unlike making a daily visit to the public baths or wearing the toga. 
The Romans had four types of preserved fish product that we will broadly call garum:
·       Garum:  The general product made from preserving fish with salt.  Later becomes interchangeable in word use with liquamen.  Earlier sources indicate that this particular classification was made from blood and innards of larger fish, such as tuna and mackerel.
·       Liquamen:   First liquid draw from garum without fish flesh
·       Muria:  By product of fish salting process.  The liquid brine
·       Allex:  Undissolved fish parts
Garum had both its fans and detractors, surprisingly, often the same people, including Seneca and Pliny, being but two of many.   The astronomer Manlius Astron. 5.671 describes its preparation:

This part is better if the juices are given up; that part when juices are retained,
On this side a precious bloody matter (sanies) flows and vomits out the flower of the gore
And vomits out the taste after salt is mixed in, it tempts the lips;
on that side the putrid slaughter of the crowd (of fish) flow all together
and mix their shapes in another melting semi-liquid slosh
and provide a widely used liquid for foods.

their mutual gift of liquid flows out alike
and their inner parts melt and issue forth as a stream of decomposition. 
Nay in fact they could fill the great salt pans
and cook the sea and also extract the poison of the salt sea.[5]

[4]Athen. Deip. 9.366c:  ὁρῶ δὲ καὶ μετὰ ὄξους ἀναμεμιγμένον γάρον. οἶδα δὲ ὅτι νῦν τινες τῶν Ποντικῶν ἰδίᾳ καθ᾽ αὑτὸ κατασκευάζονταιὀξύγαρον.  The translation came from Bill Thayer’s scan of the Loeb.
[5]Manil. Astron. 5.671-75:  hinc sanies pretiosa fluit floremque cruoris /  evomit ex mixto gustum sale temperat oris; illa putris turbae strages confunditur omnis /  permiscetque suas alterna in damna figuras / communemque cibis usum sucumque ministrat. Check also Geoponika 20.46.6.

Seneca the Younger Ep. 95. 25 advises his correspondent Lucilius Junior against gluttony and excess when he says “What? Don’t you think the garum made by our allies, the bloody remains of harmful (the meaning may be poisonous) fish, burns the stomach (diaphragm) with salted putrification.[6]

Garum was a luxury good, produced in many parts of Italy, so if Seneca and Lucilius Junior know others import the Spanish product, not only is it more expensive (wastefulness) but actually harmful due to the local Spanish fish from which it is produced.  It had the allure of pufferfish sushi or questionable Russian caviar.  In an age of vice, described to a considerable extent in Petronius, people were engaging in a doubly harmful form of conspicuous consumption, as Eugene Weber of UCLA liked to mention, just to show they could afford to get the garum sociorum, even though it was not better than that of Pompeii.  Some distantly-made garum was a status symbol (like Belgian beer or champagne today).
Pliny the Elder NH 31.43-44.93-97 describes both the spread of garum and the widespread garum production industry. He says garum has a delicious flavor and medicinal benefits, making it a luxury good and at the same time an edible form of Roman-ness.  

There is yet another kind of choice liquor, called garum, consisting of the guts of fish and the other parts that would otherwise be considered refuse; these are soaked in salt, so that garum is really the bloody matter of the putrefying leftovers [illa putrescentium sanies].  Once this used to be made from a fish that the Greeks called garos; they showed that by fumigation with its burning head the after-birth was brought away.  Today the most popular garum is made from the scomber in the fisheries of Carthago Spartaria—it is called garum of the allies—1,000 sesterces being exchanged for about two congii of the fish.  … Clazomenae, too, is famous for garum, and so are Pompeii and Leptis, just as Antipolis and Thurii are for muria, and today too also Delmatia.
44.95.  Allex is sediment of garum, the dregs, neither whole nor strained. It has, however, also begun to be made separately from a tiny fish, otherwise of no use. The Romans call it apua, the Greeks aphye, because this tiny fish is bred out of rain.  The people of Forum Julii call lupus (wolf) the fish from which they make garum.  Then allex became a luxury, and its various kinds have come to be innumerable; garum for instance has been blended to the color of old honey wine, and to a taste so pleasant that it can be drunk. But another kind <of garum> is devoted to superstitious sex-abstinence and Jewish rites, and is made from fish without scales. Thus allex has come to be made from oysters, sea urchins, sea anemones, and mullet’s liver, and salt to be corrupted in numberless ways so as to suit all palates. These incidental remarks must suffice for the luxurious tastes of civilized man.  Allex however itself is of some use in healing. For allex both cures itch in sheep, being poured into an incision in the skin, and is a good antidote for the bites of dog or sea draco; it is applied on pieces of lint. By garum too are fresh burns healed, if it is poured over them without mentioning garum.  Against dog-bites it is beneficial and especially against those of crocodiles..(7)

[6]Quid?  Illud sociorum garum, pretiosam malorum piscium saniem, non credis urere salsa tabe praecordia?  For garum sociorum,  see Robert Etienne, “A propos du ‘garum sociorum’,” Latomus 29 (1970) 297-313.   Translation Gaius Stern,  tabes = corruption, wasting away.
[7]Aliud etiamnum liquoris exquisiti genus, quod garum vocavere, intestinis piscium ceterisque quae abicienda essent sale maceratis, ut sit illa putrescentium sanies. hoc olim conficiebatur ex pisce quem Graeci garon vocabant, capite eius usto suffito 94extrahi secundas monstrantes. nunc e scombro pisce laudatissimum in Carthaginis Spartariae cetariis—sociorum id appellatur—singulis milibus nummum permutantibus congios fere binos. …  laudantur et Clazomenae garo Pompeique et Leptis, sicut muria Antipolis ac Thuri, iam vero et Delmatia.

All the same, while reporting garum’s merits and medicinal value, Pliny disgusts the modern reader by mentioning the decomposing fish.  This seemingly very mixed presentation probably did not faze the Roman audience who was practical and not disgusted by the same smells and tastes as us (e.g. sulphur as a cleanser, fullers using urine as detergent).  In the ancient world, nothing edible was thrown away, because many people struggled with hunger.
The poet Martial 3.77.5, like Seneca before him, regards garum as a luxury good, but one that everyone can afford, and that everyone enjoys.  He criticizes a certain Baeticus for eating capers and onions “swimming” in putrid allex:  capparin et putri cepas allece natantis.  Again here the idea is that Baeticus is no gourmet.  He shuns hare, boar, thrush, and mullet (the latter much praised by T. Annius Milo in a letter to Cicero), but eats simple capers and onions and pours on the garum.  Baeticus is the sort of person who prefers burgers at MacDonalds over duck confit at a French restaurant, and any kind of mustard will do.  He does not need Grey Poupon.
Likewise, in a second epigram, Martial 11.27, the unnamed girlfriend of Martial’s friend Flaccus is satisfied with fairly modest requests from her boyfriend, including garum,whereas Martial’s own girlfriend makes far greater demands, which he fails to deliver, but he likes the fact that she has highbrow tastes.  For us, the point emerges from both epigrams that garum is something everyone can afford, at least the less expensive varieties, so as a luxury good it compares to exotic jam in the US:  not everyone can afford to buy imported Swedish cloudberry jam or Michigan Thimbleberry jam at $12 per eight-ounce bottle, but everyone can afford Safeway raspberry jam (9)

You are made of iron, Flaccus, if your cock can stand
when your girlfriend begs you for six cyathi (half a pint) of garum,
or asks in vain for two pieces of tuna or a slim fillet of mackerel
and thinks herself unworthy of a whole bunch of grapes;
one to whom her maid with delight carries on a red platter
allecem fish-sauce, but she devours it immediately.[8]

44.95  Vitium huius est allex atque imperfecta nec colata faex. coepit tamen et privatim ex inutili pisciculo minimoque confici. apuam nostri, aphyen Graeci vocant, quoniam is pisciculus e pluvia nascitur. Foroiulienses piscem ex quo faciunt lupum appellant. transiit deinde in luxuriam, creveruntque genera ad infinitum, sicuti garum ad colorem mulsi veteris adeoque suavitatem dilutum ut bibi possit. aliud vero . . . castimoniarum superstitioni etiam sacrisque Iudaeis dicatum, quod fit e piscibus squama carentibus. sic allex pervenit ad ostreas, echinos, urticas maris, mullorum iocinera, innumerisque generibus ad saporis gulae coepit sal tabescere. 96 haec obiter indicata sint desideriis vitae, et ipsa tamen non nullius usus in medendo. namque et allece scabies pecoris sanatur infusa per cutem incisam, et contra canis morsus draconisve marini prodest, in linteolis autem concerptis inponitur. 97 Et garo ambusta recentia sanantur, si quis infundat ac non nominet garum. contra canum quoque morsus prodest maximeque crocodile …

[8]Ferreus es, sista repotest tibi mentula, Flacce,/ cum te sexcyathos oratamica gari. vel duo frusta rogat cybii tenuemve lacertum nec dignam toto se botryone putat; cui portat gaudens ancilla paropside rubra  allecem, sed quam protinus illa voret.

The professional diviner from 2nd century AD Ephesus, Artemidorus Daldianus Oneirocritica 1.68, was no fan of garum:  idcirco Artemidorus garum nihil aliud esse nisi putredinem contendit:  ouden allo h shpedwn,  quae sentential in Zonorae et Suidae lexica abiit; – “about it, Artemidorus contends that garum is nothing other than putrid when he says (in Greek) ‘nothing other than rottenness,’ which opinion was absent in the lexicons of Zonoras and Suidas.” (10)

Garum was used extensively in Roman cuisine and found throughout the Empire.  Garum factories were found in Pompeii and Roman Hispania.  Further evidence of garum’s availability and common access appear in two price sources, Tariff of Zarai, CE 202, and the Price Edict of Diocletian, AD 301.  In the Tariff of Zarai the pricing of garum is comparable to wine of the same amount.  In the Price Edict of Diocletian the fish sauce was broken into two quality classifications (first and second).  Again, in comparing with other goods listed in the Edict, it is found that first and second quality garum was priced comparably with first and second class honey.  Inferring from these two sources we can deduce that garum was common enough to be taxed regularly and fell within the price access of the Roman public, corroborating our inferences from Martial (above) 150 years later.  Further, excavation in Pompeii and Herculaneum show amphorae of garum in the homes across a wide stratum of society with all four types found. 

Obviously garum started in Italy for local consumption, but as the Roman Empire expanded, so did the need for garum and the need for local production.  And the need grew as it went, meaning that many new Romans adopted a taste for garum, either because it tastes good (as we argue) or because its consumption was seen as a status symbol.  Augustus settled many Italians in the provinces in the settlements of the 20s BC. One mostly overlooked way they Romanized the provinces, besides recreating grid-pattern Roman cities with baths and a forum, was to bring their tongues with them, meaning both the speaking of Latin – on which much has been said and written before – but also the taste for Roman food.  They imported and eventually produced their own garum to enjoy the flavors of home far from Italy.

[9]I can hardly recommend highly enough Thimbleberry Jam to those who can afford it, sold in eight ounze jars for $12 each, http://thimbleberryjamlady.com/store/index.php?main_page=index&cPath=1&zenid=up3j3qmnejg0ms7u34dbu530q1
[10]See also Galen, Concerning the Properties of Foods 1.1.42-43, Corpus medicorum graecorum, 5.4.2.

Because of the species of fish used, production of garum was mostly based around the shores of the Mediterranean, and the products of Hispania, Lusitania, and North Africa near Carthage were considered the best.[11]  Remains of the garum works in present day Spain testify to the size of production and the wide shipping network of the product.  Garum production eventually spanned coastal Hispania, Lusitania, Gaul, and North Africa.  The Eastern Empire also had processing centers along the Black Sea even beyond Roman territory in the Crimea and the Strait of Kertch.  The most extensive findings have been in Spain and Portugal; one location, Troia had the production capacity of 600 cubic metres.  The largest center is at Lixus in Nothern Morocco, whose capacity was greater than 1000 cubic metres.  These sites indicate how large the production was of the garum.  It was so widely consumed that a kosher variety was available for the Jewish population in Alexandria.

It is a wonder then that garum declined completely in its use and distribution in the Roman and Byzantine world.  But we know what disrupted the centuries-long production and trade of garum:  war and the loss of order.  Beyond the basics of fish, salt and time in producing garum in the Byzantine period large fishing fleets were essential and so were beachfront facilities (especially after regulations were put in place by Constantine Harmenopoulus that garum works could not be within a certain distance of a town due to the odors) and safe shipping routes from areas of production to faraway clients.  Other factors that may have affected garum pricing and access were the requirement of a large workforce, land for facilities, and credit during a tumultuous time where shipping routes would not necessarily be secure.  The Empire’s decline and the contraction of the Empire pulled apart the trade routes and threads from production to the client.  According to archaeologist Claudio Giardino, two additional issues were the salt tax, a heavy burden on a major ingredient of garum, and the lack of security in coastal regions once the Empire could no longer protect itself.  The increase in production and shipping costs made garum far more difficult product to acquire.  For a fuller sense of the change in Roman cuisine through time, observe the list of ingredients and flavoring ingredients that could no longer or rarely be found, including sylphium, lovage, passum, and defrutum. However, the love of preserved fish is still found in modern Italy with salted cod taking the place of Egyptian red mullet, salted anchovy for garum/muria/alec, and salted tuna.  Interestingly enough, garum was rediscovered by Cistercian monks in Campania where Colatura di Alici is produced.  It is produced differently than classic garum and Asian fish sauce, where the brine of the salted anchovies is drawn away from the vat as fermentation occurs.  It is closer to muria than classic liquamen, which was decanted from the container.

[11]Strab. Geog. 3.4.6:  εἶθ᾽ ἡ τοῦ Ἡρακλέους νῆσος ἤδη πρὸς Καρχηδόνι, ἣν καλοῦσι Σκομβραρίαν ἀπὸ τῶν ἁλισκομένων σκόμβρων, ἐξ ὧν τὸἄριστον σκευάζεται γάρον: εἴκοσι δὲ διέχει σταδίους καὶ τέτταρας τῆς Καρχηδόνος.
Next is the island of Hercules, near to Carthage, and called Scombraria, on account of the mackerel taken there, from which the finest garum is made.  It lies 24 stadia from Carthage

In contrast, the production of fish sauce in Asia has been uninterrupted for centuries. There is a question of west-east transfer of fish sauce technology, but this paper avoids that controversy and limits its focus to the similarity of the two food products developed in different areas of the world.  One does not know for certain whether Asian fish sauce (fish water) originated in China or Southeast Asia.  Apparently, the diffusion of the concept emerges out of China prior to the Han dynasty (206 BC – AD 220).  Roman and Vietnamese fish sauce have a similar ratio of fish to salt ≤ 5:1, but the Romans fermented garum for less time before bottling it.  Both Roman and Southeast Asian cuisines use fish sauce in similar manners, as both an ingredient in cooking and as a condiment that can be diluted with other ingredients like vinegar or sweetener.  Both have grades of quality.  Vietnamese and Thai fish sauce divide into four grades.  The first grade is similar to Roman flos, it is the first draw from the vat.  The fish remains from the vat are mixed with salt water to ferment for two to three additional months to create the second and third grades.  The is where the fish remains from the third grade fermentation are boiled with salt water to produce the lowest grade (probably what Baeticus slathers on his capers.  For a clearer chart of production, see Curtis’ chart from “Umamni and the Food of Classical Antiquity. (12)

Asian fish sauce production is as diffuse as the ancient Roman was, but rather than suffer a fall back in production, it has expanded into a multi-million dollar industry with EU origin classification.  The popularity of Southeast Asian cuisines, in particular, Thai and Vietnamese has magnified the customer base of fish sauces (13)

[12]Robert I. Curtis, “Umamni and the Food of Classical Antiquity,” The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 90.3 (2009), 7125-85.

[13]Another area of expansion is Africa, where fish sauce is used in Senegalese and other West African cuisines sometimes to replace other preserved fish products (momone or guedj). Though fish sauce is on the rise, there are still issues that could see the decline of Asian fish sauces, such as climate change and the collapse of fish stocks in the coastal regions of Asia.  Vietnamese fish sauce uses pelagic fish, such as anchovy.  The Romans used more varieties of fish including larger fish, such as tuna and mackerel in addition to pelagic fish.  The Asian industry uses a smaller base of fish species in its production.

In the end, we have a food item that has been around to see its own decline and re-birth.  Fish sauce was a dominant flavoring agent of the large Roman Empire and declined with it.  It simultaneously emerged in Asia and now is the dominant flavoring agent for cuisines that are finding homes throughout the global economy.  Ovid, I think, would have been pleased to eat at a Thai or Vietnamese restaurant, if one opened in Tomi. 
Now try a bit of Roman patina cooked with garum and pine nuts

References:
Brothwell, Don R, and Patricia Brothwell. Food in antiquity: a survey of the diet of early peoples. JHU Press, 1969.
 
            Corcoran, Thomas H. “Roman fish Sauces,” Classical Journal 58 (1963), 204-10;
                      and Curtis, Robert I. “In Defense of Garum,” Classical Journal 78 (1983), 232-40.
 
Curtis, Robert Irvin. “Umamni and the Food of Classical Antiquity,” The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 90.3 (2009), 7125-85.
            Garum and Salsamenta: Production and Commerce in Materia Medica. Brill Academic Pub. (1991).
            The Production and Commerce of Fish Sauce in the Western Roman Empire: A social and Economic Study. (Diss. 1978).
Ancient food technology. Brill Academic Pub. (2001).
 
Dalby, Andrew, and Sally Grainger. The classical cookbook. Getty Publications, 1996.
 
Faas, Patrick, and Shaun Whiteside. Around the Roman table. University of Chicago Press, 2005.
 
Giacosa, Ilaria Gozzini. A taste of Ancient Rome. Rand Corporation, 1994.
 
Grainger, Sally. Cooking Apicius: Roman recipes for today. Prospect Books, 2006.
            Grimal, Pierre and Monod, Thomas “Sur le veritable nature du ‘garum,'” Rev. Étud. ancien., 34: 27-38, 1952;
Claude Jardin, “Garum et sauces de poisson de 1’inriquiti,” JZiV. Stud. Liguri, 2T70-96, 1961;
Ruddle, Kenneth, and Naomichi Ishige. “On the origins, diffusion and cultural context of fermented fish products in Southeast Asia.” lobalization, Food and Social Identities in the Asia Pacific Region. Sophia University Institute of Comparative Culture, Tokyo (2010).
 
Thongthai C, Gildberg A. Asian fish sauce as a source of nutrition. In: Shi J, Ho CT, Shahidi F, eds. Asian functional foods. Boca Raton, FL: Taylor & Francis, 2005:215–65.
 
            R. Zahn, “Garum,” A.Pauly, et al, ed. in Real-Encyclopedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, 80 vols., Stuttgart, J. B. Metzler, 1893-1974, 1st series, 8, cols. 841-849, 1912 (hereinafter referred to as RE).  
 
http://www.thaifoodandtravel.com/features/fishsauce1.html
 
http://vietworldkitchen.typepad.com/blog/2008/11/fish-sauce-buying-guide.html
 
 

Categorias
Garum Publicações e estudos

Geoponica

Geopónika

Geoponia é o nome de uma coleção de cerca de vinte livros sobre agronomia e agricultura escritos em grego e compilados no século X em Constantinopla pelo imperador bizantino Constantino VII.

A palavra grega geoponica significa “empresas agrícolas”.

A coleção do século X é algumas vezes erroneamente atribuída em sua totalidade ao autor do século VII de Cassian Baso Casianus Basso Scholasticus, cuja coleção, também chamada de Geoponica, foi integrada na compilação existente.

O Baso foi baseado no trabalho de Vindonio Anatolio Vindonius Anatolio, s. IV: outro compilador agrário.

A última compilação inclui contribuições de Plínio, o Velho, do agrônomo cartaginês Mago e até mesmo do profeta Zoroastro.

O trabalho cobre todo tipo de informação agrícola, como clima, celeste e terrestre, assim como presságios, viticultura, oleocultura, apicultura, medicina veterinária, construção de tanques e muito mais, sendo que parte que aqui reproduzimos tem a ver com o fabrico de garum.

Geopónica o Extractos de agricultura de Casiano Baso;
traducción y comentarios de María José Meana, José Ignacio Cubero, Pedro Sáez;
Instituto Nacional de Investigación y Tecnología Agraria y Alimentaria 1998

Geoponica (XX, 46, 1 e seguintes) – séc. IX, bizantino.

Pôr num recipiente as vísceras de peixes e peixes pequenos com sal e deixar ao sol mexendo frequentemente. Terminada a maceração por efeito do calor, retira-se o garum introduzindo um cesto. O garumescorre para dentro do cesto e é filtrado através dele, podendo-se recolher o chamado liquamen. A parte sólida que fica é o alex. Alguns misturam duas medidas de vinho velho por cada medida de peixe.
  Se se precisar de usar o garum sem o ter tanto tempo ao sol , coze-se rapidamente pondo o peixe em água do mar concentrada de modo a que um ovo bóie (…). Mas a flor do garum obtém-se com as entranhas, o sangue e o suco dos atuns sobre os quais se deita sal e se deixa macerar durante dois meses.

Capítulo 46

Fabrico de garum, 23

1. O denominado liquame 24 é obtido da seguinte forma: colocam-se as vísceras do peixe numa tigela e salgam-se;
também os pequenos peixes como o peixe-rei (Pejerrey), pequenos salmonetes, chuclas, anchovas ou mesmo todos aqueles que sejam muito pequenos, todos são igualmente salgados e preservados em salmoura ao sol, mexendo com frequência.
2. Depois de terem permanecido na salmoura durante um verão, o garum é retirado desta forma: um grande cesto espesso é colocado no recipiente cheio destes peixes e o garum é infiltrado no cesto e, assim, passado pela peneira da cesta, o chamado liquamen é retirado; os restantes resíduos tornam-se em hallec 25.
3. Mas os bitinianos preparam desta forma: utilizam-se as Spicara maena, (o picarel manchado), melhor os pequenos do que os grandes, ou na falta destes, anchovas, chicharros, cavalas, ou mesmo hallec, ou uma mistura de todas elas. Coloca-se esta mistura na mesa de um padeiro onde a farinha seja geralmente amassada e amassa-se adicionando dois sextários* de sal a cada tipo de peixe, de modo que se misturem com o sal; Depois de deixar durante a noite, coloca-se num recipiente de barro e mete-se destapado ao sol por dois ou três meses, mexendo periodicamente com uma vara, depois cobre-se e guarda-se.
4. Alguns também acrescentam para cada sextário de peixe dois de vinho
5. Além disso, se quiser consumir o garum imediatamente, isto é, não para o pôr ao sol mas para o ferver, fará o seguinte: Verifica-se a salmoura para que ao lançar um ovo na água este flutue  (se afundar ainda não tem sal suficiente); Em seguida, coloca-se o peixe com a salmoura numa panela, acrescentando orégãos, e leva-se ao fogo até ferver, ou seja, até começar a evaporar um pouco; alguns também adicionam xarope; depois, quando estiver frio, despeje em uma peneira, repetindo o processo duas ou três vezes até que o liquido saia limpo, cubra e guarde.
6. Mas o melhor garum, o chamado haimation, é feito assim: as vísceras do atum são misturadas juntamente com as guelras, o sumo e o sangue e o sal de que precisam é aspergido sobre as mesmas; São deixados num recipiente e após dois meses no máximo, este é perfurado e sai o garum chamado haimation 26.

23. Garum era um molho de peixe resultante da auto-maceração de certos peixes na presença de um anti-séptico, neste caso o sal. Era um condimento muito apreciado nos tempos antigos.
Veja a este respeito:
P. Grimal e Th. Monod, “Sur la véritable nature du Garumm” REA, 54 (1952), pp. 27-38; J. Andre, L´alimentation … pp.195-198;
R. Curtis, Garum e Salsamenta. Produção e Comércio em Matéria Médica. Leiden, 1991.
Para o garum hispânico, um dos mais famosos:
M. Ponsich e M. Tarradell, Garum et Industries antiques de la salaison dans la Mediterranee occidentale. Paris, 1965
e
M. Ponsich, Azeite e peixe salgado. Fatores geoeconômicos de Bética e Tingitânia. Madrid, 1988.

24. O liquamen aparece mencionado pela primeira vez no meio do séc. I A.D. (Col. 6,2,7) embora a mesma palavra também seja usada para se referir a líquidos. É o molho de peixe mais romano, sendo este o termo mais utilizado para designar estes molhos, embora isso não signifique que o termo garum tenha desaparecido. Parece que a única diferença está no uso, no processo de produção, de peixes diferentes, geralmente menores. Neste texto, o processo de fabricação do liquamend parece diferenciar-se do garum, sendo o segundo produto do primeiro, embora a passagem seja um tanto confusa.
Ver R. Curtis, cit. pp. 7 e 135. 25 · Hallec, como vemos, é um subproduto do garum, do qual não conhecemos sua forma nos tempos clássicos gregos. A sua avaliação é geralmente pejorativa.
Ver R. Curtis, cit. pp. 7-8 e 14. 26 ·
Sobre o garum da qualidade, ver R. Curtis, cit pp. 135  173. CURTlS, R. Garum e Salsamenta. Produção e Comércio em Matéria Médica. Leiden, I 991.

 

*Sextário é uma medida para líquidos usada pelos romanos. Equivalente a 0,5468 litros. Era dividido em doze partes iguais que eles chamavam de ciatos.

Categorias
Garum Publicações e estudos

El garum de Pompeia

El garum de Pompeya y Herculano (2008-2012)

Síntesis de la primera campaña del proyecto hispano-italiano

D. Bernal Universidad de Cádiz D. Cottica
A. Zaccaria Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia

We present in this paper the project named “From Fishing to Garum at Pompeii and Hercolaneum. Exploitation of marine resources in the Vesubian area”, carried out by the University of Cádiz (south Spain) and the University Ca’ Foscari of Venice (Italy) from 2008 to 2012. The lack of knowledge on this topic in Campania in the last decades is shown by modern scholars who have to use literature dating back to the seven-ties in the 20th century. The three main aims of the project are: gathering all evidences on ancient fishing in these campanian cities, trying to reconstruct ancient fishing gear and the spcies fished and eaten daily (by the compilation and study of fishing equipment –hooks, weights, etc.-, archaeozoological data –fish bones and marine shells- & pictorial evidence –mosaics, etc.-); secondly, studying all data related to fishprocessing, such as regional garum amphorae and related vessels as the well known Scaurus’ urcei, as well as analysing their paleo-contents, and the buildings inside the city related to those activities, such as the House of A. Umbricius Scau-rus (VII, Insula Occidentalis, 12-15) and the so called “Garum Shop” (I, 12, 8). At last a medium-term synthesis on the ma-ritime economy of Pompeii and Hercolaneum should be pre-sented. All activities developed during the first archaeologi-cal season in 2008 are presented, showing the first results of the project and other complementary activities such as the collaboration in the Venetian Regio V project (archaeological trench named Saggio 3 placed in V, 4, 3) and the making of a documentary on methodology of the archaeological research.

Antecedentes. De la pesca y la industria en ámbito campano
El entorno vesubiano es un ambiente especialmente sensible y bien atendido por la investigación arqueológica, que desde el siglo XIX se convirtió en epicentro de la investigación internacional, por el excepcional estado de conservación de sus evidencias. Dicha tónica científica se ha mantenido de manera prácticamente constante hasta la actualidad, gozando en la última década de una especial vitalidad, como denotan los dos Congresos Internacionales en los cuales se han dado a conocer las principales novedades de la investigación (Guzzo y Guidobaldi, 2005 y 2007). No obstante, las tendencias “historiográficas”, como se puede documentar a vuelaplu-ma en los dos volúmenes citados, han focalizado la atención en los principales temas por los cuales estas ciudades del entorno campano son excepcionales, sobre todo su topogra-fía y urbanismo, la pintura/musivaria y aspectos diversos de tipo socio-económico y de la vida cotidiana. Adicionalmente, los proyectos internacionales en curso de desarrollo tienden a centrarse en uno o varios inmuebles de la ciudad de Pompeya (normalmente una “casa” o una insula completa), procediendo a su contextualización e interpretación histórica, ya que son múltiples los ambientes excavados de antiguo necesitados de una revisión científica en profundidad.

Figs. 1A y 1B Casa de A. Umbricius Scaurus según Curtis (1991, 93, fig. 5), con los conocidos mosaicos del atrio, actualmente en las dependencias de la Soprintendenza (nº inv. SAP 15190).

A pesar del elevado nivel de conocimientos sobre múltiples aspectos de Pompeya y Herculano, hay otras parcelas de Historia Económica que se encuentran aún en estado embrionario. Tal es el caso de la Historia Marítima del golfo napolitano, de su vinculación con el mar y de la problemática de la implicación de estas comunidades en las actividades haliéuticas. En este contexto encontramos mínimas referencias a estudios centrados específicamente en la pesca en la Antigüedad, habiéndose centrado los trabajos precedentes en la valoración general de los registros ictiológicos y malacológicos conservados de las antiguas excavaciones y su conexión con la información iconográfica, procedente básicamente de la pintura y de los mosaicos, como se puede comprobar en los trabajos más recientes sobre el yacimiento (Genovese, Cocca, Russo, 2001; Reese, 2002 a y 2002 b; Carannante, Chilardi, Della Vecchia, 2009). En múltiples estudios sobre la ciudad campana y su entorno se han dado a conocer piezas relacionadas con la pesca y la explotación de recursos del mar —anzuelos o restos de fauna marina normalmente—, como en la monografía Cibi e sapori a Pompei e dintorni (AA.VV., 2005, fichas 89-91, 96-100, 102, 120, 121), si bien los mismos se han tratado siempre de manera aislada y puntual. Respecto a la elaboración de garum y otras conservas de origen piscícola, contamos con numerosos trabajos de R. I. Curtis, realizados especialmente en los años setenta e inicios de los ochenta del siglo pasado (1979 a, b y c; 1984 a y b), aunque matizados con posterioridad en otras síntesis (Curtis, 1988-89; 1991, 90-96). Y evidentemente sin olvidar la aportación de la anforología al conocimiento del comercio de salsas de pescado en Pompeya, procedentes mayoritariamente de Hispania (Manacorda, 1977), y el excepcional corpus de inscripciones pintadas —tituli picti— recuperadas en las antiguas excavaciones (Schöne, 1871; Mau, 1909), que junto al volu-men del C. I. L. de Roma siguen constituyendo las colecciones epigráficas más nutridas para la caracterización del garum y de las diversas variedades de salsas de pescado confeccionadas y consumidas en el Mare Nostrum. Tampoco debemos olvidar los trabajos en torno a A. Umbricius Scaurus, uno de los comerciantes conserveros más conocidos de la Antigüedad precisamente gracias a los mosaicos que ornamentaban el atrio de su casa sita en el civico 15 de la insula Occidentalis (Fig. 1A), en los cuales se representaron urcei con inscripcio-nes alusivas al liquamen y a la “flor del garum de escómbrido” (Fig. 1B) elaborado según una “receta” singular —ex officina scauri—, sobre lo cual han corrido ríos de tinta (Etienne y Mayet, 1991; Curtis, 1991), ya que no existen ejemplos simi-lares en todo el Mundo Antiguo. A pesar de la cantidad de información disponible, los estudios más recientes denotan la escasez de evidencias empíricas sobre la industria conservera local/regional (Bernal, 2007), y la constante recurrencia a tópicos en la interpretación de la economía de las ciudades campanas en los análisis de las industrias haliéuticas de la Italia romana (Marzanno, 2007). En este contexto, se iniciaron una serie de colaboraciones científicas en el año 2007 entre la Università Ca’ Foscari de Venecia (en adelante, UNIVE) y la Universidad de Cádiz (en adelante, UCA), plasmadas en la colaboración de esta última en el estudio de las ánforas del proyecto “Impianto Elettrico”, un singular proyecto de catalogación patrimonial liderado por los colegas venecianos de las primeras excavaciones estratigráficas realizadas en Pompeya en los años ochenta del siglo pasado (Cottica y Curti, 2007). Dicha colaboración internacional ha generado unos vínculos estables de investigación, que se han concretado recientemente en la firma de un Convenio de Colaboración rubricado por los Rectores de ambas instituciones para los próximos seis años, con el objetivo de desarrollar “Excavaciones arqueológicas e investigaciones interdisciplinares en Pompeya y en el área vesubiana”.

En este contexto de colaboración se sitúa el proyecto que presentamos a continuación, que aúna a un equipo de investigación español (integrado en el Grupo HUM-440 del IV Plan Andaluz de Investigación de la Junta de Andalucía) especializado en arqueología marítima; y un equipo italiano con muchos años de experiencia en Pompeya, responsable actualmente de varios proyectos centrados en el estudio de las transformaciones del paisaje urbano y del ambiente económico en la Regio V y en la Regio VI (Zaccaria Ruggiu, 2006; Zaccaria y Maratini, 2007). Una de las especificidades de este proyecto hispano-italiano es el intercambio de docentes y de estudiantes —a través del Programa Erasmus, activado entre ambas universidades desde el año 2008— y de la transferen-cia tecnológica y el intercambio de experiencias. El equipo de investigación español constituye uno de los más consolidados en España en Arqueología de la Pesca y en la problemática de la industria pesquero-conservera en el Mundo Antiguo, con más de una década de trabajos y estudios histórico-arqueoló-gicos en torno a esta temática (recientemente Bernal, 2006 y 2009, ed.; Lagóstena, Bernal y Arévalo, 2007, eds.), con directa implicación en la dirección de las excavaciones excavaciones arqueológicas y en los estudios de algunos de los yacimientos pesquero-conserveros mejor conocidos de Hispania, como es el caso de las factorías de salazones de Baelo-Claudia (Arévalo y Bernal, 2007, eds.), el barrio conservero urbano de Iulia Traducta (Algeciras), los alfares y factorías salazoneras de Villa Victoria/Carteia (San Roque) en la orilla norte del Estrecho de Gibraltar; o las cetariae de Septem Fratres (Ceuta) y algunos yacimientos marroquíes como Metrouna en la Mauretania Tingitana. Las perspectivas de análisis y de comparación de los modelos económicos potencialmente aplica-bles al área campana son notables a través del proyecto de investigación planteado. 

Un singular proyecto italo-español. Planteamiento y objetivos

El formato de colaboración elegido ha sido un proyecto de investigación bilateral, que aúne investigadores de ambas instituciones, y con un plazo de ejecución quinquenal, iniciado en el año 2008. La temática, “Pesca y garum en Pompeya y Herculano. La explotación de recursos del mar en ámbito vesubiano”, trata de desarrollar tres objetivos generales: — Recopilación y estudio arqueológico de todas las evidencias sobre la pesca en Pompeya y Herculano, con el objetivo de realizar una aproximación histórico-arqueológica precisa sobre las técnicas de pesca y los productos obtenidos del mar. — Recopilación y estudio arqueológico de todas las evidencias sobre la elaboración de conservas de pescado (Garum, salsamenta y otros derivados) en ambas ciudades, con el objeto de rastrear la repercusión de los mismos sobre la paleodieta y el comercio de dichos productos piscícolas en el Imperio por parte de las ciudades vesubianas. — Realizar una síntesis a medio plazo sobre la economía marítima de Pompeya y Herculano y de todos los aspectos relacionados con la explotación de los recursos marinos por ambas ciudades campanas. Para acometer los objetivos anteriormente esbozados y una vez obtenido el pertinente permiso de la Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei (en adelante, SAP) se plantean las si-guientes actividades científicas, vinculadas a cada uno.

Objetivo 1 (Pesca)
1.- Inventario y estudio del instrumental pesquero (básicamente anzuelos, pesas de red de plomo/cerámica/piedra, agujas para la reparación de redes y cualquier otro instrumental asociado, incluidos restos de redes).

2.- Inventario y estudio arqueozoológico de los restos de fauna marina existentes (ictiológicos, malacológicos y de otra naturaleza —corales, etc…—).

3.- Inventario y estudio de los restos muebles e inmuebles con iconografía marina, como complemento al estudio de la fauna (mosaicos, pinturas, etc…).

4.- Inventario de las piscinas utilizadas en los ambientes domésticos para el mantenimiento y posible engorde del pescado, es decir para tareas de acuicultura. Contamos con casi una decena de ejemplos recogidos recientemente, incluyendo algunas piscinas con oquedades para permitir guarecerse a los peces, como la del jardín de la casa VIII, 2, 14 (según Reese, 2002 a, 274-275 y figura 225).

Objetivo 2 (Salazones y salsas de pescado)

1.- Inventario y estudio de las ánforas y otros elementos cerámicos o de otra naturaleza (vítreos o metálicos) utilizados para envasar las salsas de origen local campano. Básicamente las denominadas ánforas del tipo Dr. 21/22, recientemente sistematizadas (Botte, 2007, 2008, 2009 a y b), los urcei del grupo de Umbricius Scaurus y otros con restos de preparados piscícolas —dolia o vasijas diversas, algunas con conservas en su interior— (AA.VV., 2005, 87 y 92).

2.- Inventario y estudio de los ambientes pompeyanos relacionados con el procesado/venta de pescado y con los responsables de la comercialización. Al menos, contamos apriorísticamente con dos ejemplos, que son la Casa de A. Umbricius Scaurus (VII, Insula Occidentalis, 12-15) y la denominada “Tienda del Garum (I, 12, 8), esta última de especial interés.

El tercer objetivo se desarrollará a medio plazo, cuando se ultime el proyecto y una vez que se disponga de los resultados científicos del mismo. En cuanto a la metodología de investigación arqueológica, y además de las estrategias tradicionales en el estudio de materiales arqueológicos muebles —el dibujo, la documentación gráfica y la toma de muestras—, está prevista la realización de estudios arqueométricos, especialmente en los que se refiere a la caracterización de restos físicos de paleocon-tenidos (como es el caso de los estudios arqueozoológicos, como por ejemplo de los restos de conserva de peces en un ánfora precisamente de la Tienda del Garum, ambiente 13; AA. VV., 2005, 87), así como analíticas orgánicas en envases relacionados potencialmente con conservas de origen piscícola, caso de los conocidos urcei de Umbricius Scaurus (AA.VV., 2005, 88, ficha 100) o los dolios utilizados aparen-temente para las conservas. El estudio de los ambientes inmuebles, adaptado a las exigencias habituales de la arqueología moderna, incluirá la topografía detallada de los ambientes, el estudio paramental y arqueo-arquitectónico y, en caso necesario, sondeos estratigráficos para la datación de los ambientes, todo ello bajo autorización expresa de la SAP. Ello ha conllevado la conformación de un equipo permanente conformado por arqueólogos, arqueozoólogos —ictiólogos y malacólogos—, arqueobotánicos, químicos.

La campaña del año 2008. Actividades y resultados preliminares

La campaña del año 2008 ha contado con la financiación por parte española del Ministerio de Cultura, a través del programa de Proyectos Arqueológicos en el Exterior, así como con la colaboración de la Fundación Pouroulis (Contrato OT2007/ 130 de la Universidad de Cádiz); asimismo a través de diversos proyectos PRINN financiados por el gobierno italiano.

Las actividades se han desarrollado entre mediados de junio y mediados de julio del año 2008, habiendo trabajado conjuntamente los investigadores italo-españoles. El equipo de trabajo ha estado coordinado por los tres codirectores—Dr. D. Bernal, Profesor Titular de Arqueología del Departamento de Historia, Geografía y Filosofía de la UCA y las Dras. D. Cottica y A. Zaccaria, Profesoras de Arqueología del Departamento de Ciencias de la Antigüedad y del Próximo Oriente de la UNIVE— Además de la colaboración puntual de otros investigadores y alumnos, han formado parte del equipo permanente las doctorandas italianas C. Acqua y E. Cappelletto, de Venecia. Por parte de la UCA han partici-pado la Dra. A. Arévalo, Profesora Titular de Arqueología, y los doctorandos y Becarios de Investigación de esta institución M. Bustamante, J. J. Díaz, J. Lagóstena y A. M. Sáez, así como los licenciados M. Lara y J. Vargas. Han participado asimismo investigadores de otras instituciones españolas, concretamente J. Bermejo, doctorando y Becario de Investigación de la Universidad de Huelva, F. Villada Paredes, Arqueólogo Municipal de la Ciudad Autónoma de Ceuta, R. Jiménez-Camino, Arqueólogo Municipal de la ciudad de Algeciras (Cádiz), L. Lorenzo, Gerente de Figlina, Gabinete de Arqueología, Desarrollo y Servicios del Patrimonio Cultural S. L. y A. Pouroulis, por parte de la Fundación Pouroulis. Agradecemos muy especialmente a P. G. Guzzo, Superintendente de la SAP de Pompeya, y a M. P. Guidobaldi, responsable de Herculano, su amabilidad y predisposición para el avance del proyecto. Asimismo, en Pompeya, a A. D’Ambrosio y al restante personal de la SAP por su eficaz gestión y ayuda en todo momento, muy especialmente a G. Di Martino y al Sr. Cesarano por su permanente disponibilidad, así como a los conserjes y responsables de la tutela de los bienes muebles e inmuebles. En Herculano, la amabilidad del Sr. Sirano ha permitido que el trabajo fuese muy cordial y agradable y, adicionalmente, tremendamente operativo.

Indicar, por último, que las actividades realizadas han constituido una primera toma de contacto con las instituciones gestoras del patrimonio y, especialmente, con los diferentes departamentos, laboratorios, almacenes y dependencias en las cuales se articula la SAP. Como se verá a continuación sucintamente, dicha atomización ha complicado el proceso de rastreo documental, por lo que buena parte de las actividades iniciadas en la primera anualidad deberán ser continuadas en futuras campañas del proyecto.

Las actividades realizadas pueden ser divididas en dos grandes grupos. De una parte, una serie de actuaciones vinculadas con la obtención de documentación sobre la industria pesquero-conservera en ámbito vesubiano, que han permitido una toma de contacto con los dos yacimientos objeto de estudio (Pompeya y Herculano) y con su problemática científica y el volumen de documentación disponible. De todo ello trataremos de dar cuenta sucintamente en las páginas que siguen. Sí queremos indicar que esta primera campaña ha constituido un acercamiento preliminar, habiendo testado la potencialidad de las líneas de trabajo previstas en el proyecto de investigación aprobado por la SAP, y, especialmente, la correcta valoración de las líneas de investigación y actuaciones a desarrollar en el futuro. Sí se ha podido valorar in situ tanto la viabilidad del proyecto como el interés científico del mismo, por lo que se ha decidido llevar a buen término la programación planteada inicialmente, que es quinquenal (2008-2012). Por otro lado, y de manera complementaria, la parte española del equipo ha desarrollado una colaboración en el proyecto Regio V de la Universidad de Venecia, materializada en la ejecución de una actividad arqueológica puntual —sondeo estratigráfico— en una de las insulae objeto de estudio por el equipo italiano, con el objetivo de generar un documental didáctico sobre metodología de investigación arqueológica, como veremos más adelante.

Actividades arqueológicas en Pompeya

El material arqueológico mueble de Pompeya está depositado en diversas dependencias aisladas, así como la documentación administrativa relativa a las excavaciones arqueológicas y la bibliografía publicada relativa a temas campanos. De ahí que se hayan tenido que arbitrar diversos grupos de trabajo paralelos que han desarrollado su actividad tanto en las dependencias administrativas de la SAP en Pompeya (Biblioteca y Archivo) como en los Laboratorios (Ciencias Aplicadas), en los almacenes (Casa de Bacco y Graneros del Foro) y en algunos de los inmuebles del propio yacimiento (Tienda del Garum y Casa de Umbricius Scaurus). Ha sido necesario incluso desplazarse a almacenes e instalaciones situadas fuera del propio yacimiento, como sucede con el Antiquarium de Boscoreale. De ahí que logísticamente la obtención de la información haya sido más compleja de lo habitual y su homogeneización será difícil, al encontrarse la misma dispersa, no sistematizada y con diver-so gradiente de accesibilidad. A continuación presentamos un balance sucinto de cada una de las actividades desarrolladas.

En relación a la documentación en la Biblioteca de la SAP, la ingente actividad científica en esta ciudad vesubiana desde el s. XVIII ha generado un caudal informativo copiosísimo. Una buena parte del mismo no está inserto en los canales de distribución científicos debido en parte a su antigüedad, como sucede con trabajos como el de Helbig (1868), que necesitan de una atenta lectura y escrutinio de cara a la obtención de datos sobre la explotación de recursos marinos. En otras ocasiones la publicación de las Notizie degli Scavi o de informaciones diversas en foros de difusión local/regional han provocado su desconocimiento por parte de la comunidad científica internacional. A esta tarea se han dedicado tres investigadores en turnos rotativos, que han realizado un vaciado sistemático de la Biblioteca de Pompeya, con interesantes resultados, pues en ocasiones constituyen las únicas referencias disponibles sobre hallazgos de instrumental pesquero, ánforas de transporte o iconografía marina que no se conocen por otro tipo de fuentes. Esta actividad ha sido iniciada, si bien la amplitud de la información editada requiere futuros acercamientos en detalle a esta problemática. Se ha procedido a realizar una primera Base de Datos exhaustiva de títulos bibliográficos de interés para el proyecto, más allá de los monográficos sobre la pesca o las conservas de Pompeya/Herculano ya conocidos previamente, escaneando/fotografiando el material más significativo, al tratarse en muchos casos de obras de difícil acceso. Las múltiples referencias obtenidas son de gran interés para la reconstrucción de los ambientes objeto de estudio como la “Tienda del Garum” y, en otras ocasiones, claves para la identificación de la procedencia topográfica de mucho material mueble, actualmente descontextualizado, conservado en los almacenes de la SAP. Se ha llevado a cabo un Diario de Trabajo con el control de todo el proceso de documentación, procediendo a la ejecución de visitas de campo puntuales destinadas a verificaciones diversas. Algunos de los trabajos consultados han sido de gran interés en relación al inicio de la línea de rastreo iconográfico, tratando de sistematizar todo el instrumental o la musivaria/pintura con temas marinos y/o pesqueros, como sucede con el conocido trabajo de Della Corte (1955). Por último, se ha iniciado el vaciado documental de los expedientes informatizados de la SAP, con interesantes resultados. La valoración del escrutinio bibliográfico ha sido altamente satisfactoria, habiendo permitido una primera aproximación a las temáticas objeto de estudio y habiendo aportado mucha información para contextualizar materiales arqueológicos vinculados con la pesca desconocidos previamente y, en algunos casos, no localizados actualmente en los inventarios de la SAP. En los Archivos de la SAP se han acometido labores análogas. Dispersos por varias instituciones, básicamente en la zona de oficias del yacimiento y en el interior de los “Uficci Scavi” se ha procedido a la revisión del material documental de diversa naturaleza, especialmente los libros de inventario y/o diarios de excavación inéditos y manuscritos (Fig. 2). Algunos de los diarios de excavación se encuentran informatizados y transcritos, mientras que en otras ocasiones la con-sulta de los mismos es manual, siendo un proceso lento y muy detallado. El vaciado sistemático de algunos de los libros de inventario ha proporcionado información de primera ma-no, como sucede con los diversos taxones de fauna marina —especialmente malacológicos— y restos de instrumental pesquero referidos en el Libro 4 del Anticuario Pompeiano (Vetrina 14, pp. 186-199, nº inventarios 1349-1519). Otro de los resultados interesantes del trabajo en los archivos ha sido la documentación de multitud de material gráfico y fotográfico de las antiguas excavaciones acometidas en los ambientes objeto de atención por parte del proyecto. Un buen ejemplo es el de la “Tienda del Garum”, inmueble del cual se ha podido rescatar parte del material fotográfico de las antiguas excavaciones en los años sesenta del siglo pasado así como de diversas intervenciones posteriores de la SAP en este ambiente (Fig. 3), que permiten contextualizar los hallazgos de ánforas y dolia en su interior. 

Fig. 2 Detalle del proceso de revisión y transcripción de la documentación original de los diarios de excavación (Casa di Bacco, Pompeya).

Fig. 3 Fotografía del Ambiente 9 de la “Tienda del Garum” (I, XII, 8), con los dolia y ánforas in situ (Archivo de la SAP).

Especialmente interesantes son una serie de bocetos, realizados por M. Oliva, cuyo estudio en curso permitirá en su momento la reconstrucción del ambiente arqueológico inmediatamente tras la finalización de las excavaciones en este inmueble por A. Maiuri (Fig. 4).

Se han realizado los contactos pertinentes con la Directora del Laboratorio de Ciencias Aplicadas de la SAP, Dra. A. M. Ciarallo, de cara a iniciar vías de colaboración. Además de una serie de visitas de cara al conocimiento de la colección de biofactos, se iniciaron los contactos con diver-sos colegas arqueozoólogos y biólogos de Nápoles para futuros trabajos conjuntos. Especialmente significativa es la colección de malacofauna procedente de las antiguas excavaciones (Fig. 5), en parte accesible desde la red, si bien las referencias topográficas y contextuales de una buena parte de los ejemplares son mínimas o inexistentes.

Asimismo, se iniciaron los estudios de localización, inventario y estudio preliminar del material arqueológico depositado en los almacenes de Pompeya, De una parte, se comenzaron los trabajos en la denominada “Casa di Bacco”, donde actualmente se encuentra la Dirección de las Excavaciones y otras dependencias administrativas, así como los ficheros con la información del material mueble inventariado preliminar mente. En primer lugar se ha procedido al vaciado selectivo de las fichas de inventario (“schede”), tratando de aislar ma-teriales objeto de interés por las descripciones temáticas y/o las ilustraciones. Especial interés se ha demostrado hacia el utillaje de pesca, las ánforas de producción local/regional, los restos de fauna o los elementos musivos o de otra naturale-za depositados en estas dependencias —como los conocidos mosaicos de la casa de A. Umbricius Scaurus— Debido a las características de los depósitos/almacenes, en los cuales el material custodiado es el especialmente relevante/selecto, los resultados positivos han sido los relacionados con materiales metálicos, destacando especialmente los anzuelos, las agujas de reparar redes/lanzaderas, las pesas plúmbeas, algunas relacionables con redes/artefactos pesqueros (Fig. 6).

Debido a la ingente cantidad de materiales y especialmente a la dificultad de acceso a los mismos, se decidió proceder a una primera selección de cara a su estudio, que ascendió a unos 50 ejemplares entre anzuelos y lanzaderas, procedentes en su mayor parte del ámbito periurbano (Pago Marittimo). Por su parte, en los almacenes conocidos como “Granai del Foro” se realizó un escrutinio de las procedencias del material mueble procedente de la “Tienda del Garum”, pues contábamos con información oral y gráfica del inventariado de parte de las ánforas de estas dependencias en los años noventa del siglo pasado. Especialmente interesante fue la documentación de parte del material de la “pila” de ánforas procedentes del Ambiente 13 de la “Tienda del Garum”, cuyo proceso de reubicación en los ambientes de procedencia pudo ser iniciado. Como ya se ha indicado anteriormente, se realizó el vaciado del Antiquarium de Boscoreale, un Museo de Sitio en el entorno periurbano de Pompeya en el cual la exposición permanente gira en torno a las relaciones hombre-medio, documentándose diversas evidencias relacionadas con los temas marinos. De una parte una interesante colección malacológica y en menor medida ictiológica, que ha sido debidamente inventariada y estudiada por nuestro equipo. Además de ello, se han estudiado aparejos de pesca broncíneos procedentes de diversas localizaciones y, especialmente, se han muestreado algunas ánforas que aún conservaban restos de sus paleocontenidos originales, concretamente el tercio inferior de una Dr. 21/22 (Fig. 7) y un ánfora oriental, cuya importancia es capital, ya que no superan la cifra de 50 las ánforas con este tipo de evidencias procedentes del Mediterráneo. Estos restos están actualmente en proceso de caracterización arqueozoológica por parte de los colegas C. G. Rodríguez Santana y R. Marlasca. De excepcional interés ha sido la localización de 13 fragmentos de una posible red de pesca, procedentes de la “Casa dell’Albergo” de Herculano, ya que son escasísimos los restos físicos de redes romanas conservadas, que no llegan a una decena en ámbito mediterráneo, cuyo muestreo de cara a la determinación del tipo de fibra utilizada ha sido realizado.

Fig. 4 Boceto a plumilla del Ambiente 13 de la “Tienda del Garum” (I, XII, 8), con una acumulación de ánforas mayoritariamente vinarias in situ, ac-tualmente en los almacenes de la Soprintendenza (Archivo de la SAP).

Fig. 5 Selección de malacofauna conservada en el Laboratorio de Ciencias Aplicadas de Pompeya.

De todos los ambientes pompeyanos, el más significativo para el proyecto es la conocida como “Garum Shop” o “Bottega del Garum” (Figs. 3 y 8), ya que su relación con la industria conservera es evidente según confirma el hallazgo en su interior de diversos dolia y algunas ánforas que aún preservaban restos de sus paleocontenidos originales. En este inmueble se realizaron durante la campaña del año 2008 una serie de actividades, consistentes básicamente en la localización en los archivos de la SAP de toda la información relativa a las excavaciones en este inmueble, transformada en ambiente industrial con posterioridad, posiblemente en época neroniana; en el inicio del estudio del material mueble conservado actualmente en su interior. Se trata de los restos en posición primaria —ánforas y especialmente dolios— como restos muebles de pequeñas dimensiones —fundamentalmente pondera— almacenados en diversos ambientes de la casa; y, por último, en la búsqueda y estudio en almacenes y otras dependencias de la SAP de materiales procedentes de este inmueble, desplazados con posterioridad. El resultado ha sido muy esperanzador, ya que la cantidad de documentación existente permitirá en el futuro reposicionar buena parte de los objetos en su ambiente, restituyendo la situación inmediatamente posterior a las excavaciones de Maiuri, y aportando un caudal de información que permitirá en su momento superar las apreciaciones contenidas en los estudios realizados en los años setenta (Curtis, 1979 a). De especial interés ha sido el muestreo de los siete dolios conservados en la tienda de cara a futuros estudios arqueozoológicos y pali-nológicos, estos últimos a cargo de las Dras. B. Ruiz Zapata y M. J. Gil de la Universidad de Alcalá de Henares.

Se ha procedido asimismo a la valoración in situ de la po-tencialidad de la casa de Aulus Umbricius Scaurus (VII, Insula Occidentales, 12-15), que apriorísticamente constituía unos de los ambientes arquitectónicos de mayor interés, dada la notable literatura editada y el conocido pavimento de su atrium con los urcei y las recetas alusivas a las conservas de pescado. No obstante, tras los trabajos de prospección visual en la misma, totalmente excavada, se ha decidido no focalizar la atención a esta cuestión, ya que constituye únicamente la casa de un rico comerciante o negotiator salsamentarius, en la cual la información existente sobre la industria conservera es mínima. No obstante, sí se considera conveniente para el futuro la necesidad de profundizar en el conocimiento de los ambientes cercanos (Casa del Marinaio e inmuebles adyacentes), procurando verificar la existencia de un posible barrio portuario en esta zona en torno a Porta Marina y las Termas Suburbanas.

Fig. 6 Instrumental pesquero de Pompeya conservado en la “Casa di Bacco”.

Fig. 7 Tercio inferior de un ánfora Dr. 21/22 con paleocontenido piscícola in situ, muestreada durante la campaña del año 2008 (Antiquarium de Bos-coreale).

Por último, una de las tareas prácticamente culminada du-rante el año 2008 ha sido el estudio de las ánforas de las primeras excavaciones estratigráficas en el foro de Pompeya, realizadas en 1980-1981, con motivo de la instalación de la acometida eléctrica en la ciudad, a cargo de P. Arthur. El ya mencionado proyecto de catalogación y estudio de todas las clases cerámicas de estas excavaciones a cargo de la UNIVE y la Universidad de Mattera incluye como primera entrega el volumen dedicado a los envases de transporte, el cual será editado en los próximos meses. En el marco del proyecto se ha procedido a la caracterización de residuos orgánicos adheridos a las paredes de las ánforas, a cargo de A. Pecci, de la Universidad de Siena, así como al estudio arqueométrico de las pastas cerámicas de los talleres del Círculo del Estrecho de los cuales podrían proceder algunas de las series anfóricas púnico-gaditanas detectadas en estas excavaciones arqueológicas.

Fig. 8 Planimetría esquemática de la “Tienda del Garum” según Curtis (1991, 94, fig. 6).

Actividades arqueológicas en Herculano

El proceso de documentación y estudio en Herculano ha sido similar al acometido en Pompeya, incluyendo una concatenación de actividades consecutivas (estudio bibliográfico; vaciado de archivos; inventario y estudio en almacenes….), por lo que en general las mismas consideraciones metodológicas aplicadas en el caso de Pompeya son válidas para esta otra ciudad vesubiana. Sí es cierto que los trabajos no han sido tan complejos como en Pompeya, debido a la centralización de los almacenes y dependencias administrativas en este caso. La cantidad de datos bibliográficos recabados y las informaciones procedentes de los Giornali dei Nuovi Scavi di Ercolano han sido notables, documentando como la zona más interesante de todas la parte baja de la ciudad en contacto con la línea de costa, en la cual se recuperaron restos de una embarcación y restos óseos de una treintena de individuos, algunos de ellos posibles pescadores. Se realizó un inventario preliminar de un conjunto aproximado de 500 piezas de interés, incluyendo especialmente pesas —buena parte de telares—(233 ejemplares), anillos plúmbeos (117), restos malacológi-cos (77), anzuelos (55), urcei cerámicos (31), ánforas (19), lanzaderas (18) y en menor medida arpones, agujas o elementos con representaciones iconográficas de tipo marino. De especial utilidad ha sido la consulta de la base de datos y de los archivos gráficos existentes en Herculano, con 4435 registros inventariados en las fechas de consulta. Se ha podido iniciar el estudio arqueológico de parte del material conservado, consistente básicamente en lanzaderas, anzuelos, pesas de red plúmbeas y algunos urcei completos, catalogación preliminar que deberá ser continuada en sucesivas fases del proyecto. De especial interés ha sido la localización de un palangre o “coffa”, conocida en ámbito vesubiano (Pappalar-do, 1990, 202, Fig. 5 A) pero cuya trascendencia en ámbito científico había sido nula. Se trata por el momento del único palangre conocido en todo el Mediterráneo, correspondiente con una cesta circular con tapadera, en cuyo interior se han documentado multitud de anzuelos broncíneos y restos físicos de las fibras que los unían (Fig. 9).

A través del estudio radiológico se ha confirmado la existencia de multitud de anzuelos de pequeñas/medianas dimensiones, que se encon-traban fijados al cabo madre y plegados en el interior de la cesta en el momento de la erupción. Debido a su interés se han muestreado todas las fibras y los restos orgánicos existentes, además de haber procedido al dibujo, pesado y descrip-ción de esta singular arte de pesca, en proceso de estudio actualmente.

Documental “Aprendiendo a excavar en Pompeya”

De manera complementaria al proyecto, se consideró de interés realizar un audiovisual sobre metodología de investigación arqueológica, dada la práctica inexistencia de este tipo de productos multimedia en el mercado actual, al menos documentales bien estructurados desde el punto de vista académico y científico. Su ejecución permitiría disponer de un recurso audiovisual en material arqueológica para ser utilizado por instituciones universitarias, máxime en unos momentos en los cuales el Espacio Europeo de Educación Superior requiere la continua y progresiva implantación de este tipo de recursos auxiliados por las TIC (campus virtual, etc.). Para ello se diseñó un guión tratando de valorar las principales facetas del trabajo de campo —excavación— y de las diversas fases del proceso de investigación arqueológica, desde el planteamiento de la hipótesis a la edición de los resultados. Se aprovechó la ejecución de un sondeo estratigráfico en la Regio V—del que hablaremos sucintamente a continuación— al tratarse de una actividad nueva, ya que no se había excavado en la zona con antelación. Se contó para ello con la empresa BIG THINGS-Colores Virtuales, debido a su dilatada experiencia en temas de museografía y a su intenso contacto con el gremio arqueológico en los últimos años. Un grupo de rodaje de cinco técnicos estuvo con el equipo arqueológico durante dos semanas. Actualmente se dispone de varias horas de filmaciones de materiales arqueológicos diversos, habiendo implicado a diversos técnicos de la SAP para todas las actividades, desde el Superintendente hasta los diversos laboratorios (Restaura-ción, Archivo, Ciencias Aplicadas, etc…) así como a todos los especialistas que colaboraron durante el proceso de investiga-ción arqueológica (sedimentóloga, vulcanólogo, etc…) y, evi-dentemente, a todos los miembros del equipo de investigación hispano-italiano, a cada uno de los cuales se le adjudicó un contenido específico a desarrollar. El trabajo de rodaje ha sido complejo desde el punto de vista logístico, y más aún lo está siendo la producción del documental, que aspira a ser trilingüe (español, italiano e inglés). Se realizó un tráiler del mismo, que fue presentado en octubre de 2008 en la UCA y en noviembre en la Escuela Española de Historia y Arqueología en Roma. Actualmente está en proceso de montaje, estando previsto disponer de la versión definitiva en un futuro cercano.

Fig. 9 Palangre de Herculano en el interior de una cesta carbonizada, con múltiples anzuelos y de los cabos de unión entre ellos.

Fig. 10 Vista cenital del Saggio 3 realizado en el marco de la colaboración en el proyecto Regio V (V, 4, 3), con el sistema de drenaje del viridarium (izda.) y las fosas de vertidos (dcha.).

Colaboración en el proyecto Regio V. Resultados del Saggio 3 (V, 4 , 3)

Como se ha comentado en la introducción, se ha ejecutado una intervención arqueológica de excavación en el Civi-co 3 de la Insula 4 de la Regio V, como una colaboración de la UCA en un proyecto dirigido por la UNIVE, centrado en el estudio topográfico-urbanístico y en la valoración de las transformaciones en estos inmuebles pompeyanos en clave diacrónica. Adicionalmente, esta excavación arqueológica ha permitido generar un recurso audiovisual con fines docentes para tratar de explicar de manera didáctica la metodología de investigación arqueológica, potenciando la recurrencia a cola-boraciones multidisciplinares. El sondeo estratigráfico se ha ejecutado en la parte trasera de la casa, ámbito utilizado como huerto/viridarium en los últimos momentos de vida de la vivienda.

Se han definido cinco Fases Históricas muy bien determinadas por los horizontes estratigráficos excavados (Bernal et alii, 2008). Tras momentos geológicos (Fase I), documentados por varios ni-veles de génesis volcánica y otro de matriz arcillosa —asociado a una posible inundación del río Sarno— se detectaron varios paleosuelos de tierra con numerosos restos orgánicos vinculados a áreas de huerto o campos para cultivos. Las evidencias de poblamiento más antiguas (Fase II) se corresponden con materiales cerámicos a mano y elementos de bucchero nero en posición secundaria en estratos posteriores, que denotan una ocupación de esta zona septentrional de Pompeya entre los ss. VI-III a. C., sin que sea por el momen-to posible avanzar más datos ante la ausencia de estructuras o áreas de ocupación bien definidas. La Fase III, fechada entre la segunda mitad del s. II a. C. y finales de dicha centuria o inicios de la siguiente es la mejor documentada, y a ella se asocian diversas actividades: desde la ejecución de una fosa de más de 2,5 mts. de profundidad en el geológico para la extracción de materia prima, a la construcción de la vivienda y del sistema de drenaje de la misma, al tiempo que se utilizó la parte trasera de la casa como área de vertido, como evidencian las múltiples fosas excavadas (Fig. 10), algunas de ellas con restos de malacofauna resultado del consumo de recursos marinos en época tardosamnítica. En época posterior la parte trasera de la vivienda fue utilizada como hortus/jardín, ya en el s. I a. C., y así permaneció hasta la fecha de la erupción (Fase IV). De estos últimos momentos han sido excavados y localizados diversos huecos de raíces, así como un parterre que confirma el uso de la zona para la plantación de vegetación, árboles y arbustos que fueron carbonizados en el 79 d. C., como ha podido ser confirmado por la localización de las oquedades totalmente colmatadas por lapilli volcánicos. Actualmente se encuentra en fase de estudio el estudio arqueobotánico de estas evidencias a cargo de A. Staracce, de la Universidad de Lecce. De época contemporánea (Fase V) se han localizado evidencias relacionadas con la excavación de esta insula en las primeras décadas del s. XX así como indicios de un sondeo estratigráfico realizado en el jardín en la segun-da mitad del s. XX, no referenciado en la documentación de la SAP, y restos muebles de las restauraciones acontecidas en estos inmuebles —especialmente en la colindante casa de Lucrecio Frontón— en la segunda mitad del s. XX (Bernal et alii, 2008). Los resultados de la excavación arqueológica han sido muy satisfactorios, y serán publicados conjuntamente con los resultados del proyecto Regio V de la UNIVE, actualmente en fase de redacción.

Difusión y diseminación del proyecto

Durante el mes de octubre del año 2008 se han realizado una serie de actividades para fortalecer los lazos institucionales entre las dos universidades implicadas en el proyecto, ya que el mismo constituye una acción bilateral entre ambas instituciones en Italia. Para ello se realizó un Acto Protocolario oficial en el Rectorado de la UCA en Cádiz para proceder a la firma del Convenio de Colaboración específico entre ambas instituciones, al cual asistieron el Rector de la UCA, Excmo. Sr. D. Diego Sales Márquez y la Excma. Sra. Da. Elide Pita-rello, Prorettore Vicario de la UNIVE, además del Decano de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras de la UCA y los codirectores del proyecto.

Aprovechando la presencia de las Drs. Cottica y Zaccaria con motivo de dicho evento, se organizó una Jornada de Presentación del proyecto “Pesca y Garum en Pompeya y Herculano”, así como de los resultados científicos de la campaña del año 2008. Todo ello en un acto público en el Salón de Grados de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras de la UCA, en el cual tuvieron lugar varias presentaciones científicas por parte de los codirectores del proyecto y, al final, la proyección del tráiler del documental. Con una nutrida asistencia, el evento tuvo una notable repercusión en la comunidad universitaria y en el colectivo de investigadores sobre estas temáticas de Historia Económica, algunos de los cuales se trasladaron monográficamente a Cádiz para el evento, que fue oportunamente difundido por los medios de comunicación.

Asimismo, se han realizado algunos avances del proyecto de investigación en diversos foros, españoles e italianos. Inicialmente se presentaron los resultados preliminares tanto en la reunión Excavaciones Españolas en Italia, Diez años de investigación (EEHAR, 18-19 de noviembre de 2008) como en el nº 3 del Boletín Noticias de la Escuela Española de Historia y Arqueología en Roma (Bernal, Cottica y Zaccaria, 2008). Y en ámbito regional se ha incluido una síntesis del proyecto y de su problemática en el nº 55 de la revista Andalucía Investiga, editada por la Consejería de Innovación, Ciencia y Empresa de la Junta de Andalucía. Asimismo, se ha remitido una reseña al nº 6 de Caetaria. Revista del Museo Municipal de Algeciras, de próxima edición. En Italia se publicó una noticia similar en el volumen denominado VI Giornata di Studio. Misioni Archeologiche e Progetti di Recerca e Scavo que tuvo lugar en la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras de la Universidad de Venecia (Cottica, 2008). Con estas actividades, noticias preliminares y con la difusión on line (www.circulodelestrecho.es) se considera bien difundido el proyecto de investigación, en-contrándose el equipo actualmente ultimando diversos traba-jos de investigación específicos para foros científicos especializados.

Valoración y perspectivas de futuro 

Durante el año 2008 se ha realizado el rodaje y complementación del equipo de investigación hispano-italiano, que con anterioridad no había tenido la ocasión de colaborar conjuntamente en trabajos de campo más que en ocasiones puntuales. Las numerosas actividades realizadas han confirmado la viabilidad del proyecto y la compenetración del equipo, que actualmente se encuentra totalmente engranado y con un óptimo clima de trabajo. Se han podido cubrir con creces las expectativas planteadas, ya que ha sido posible un primer contacto con la realidad pompeyana-herculanense, lo que se ha traducido en un conocimiento de primera mano de las fuentes documentales disponibles y del grado de accesibilidad de las mismas, además de las fundamentales cuestiones logísticas. Para la segunda campaña de trabajo de campo se tratará de profundizar en una serie de aspectos que a continuación resumimos: — Estudio iconográfico. Continuar y dedicar amplio esfuerzo a la compilación del corpus iconográfico relacionado con temáticas marinas. — Estudio de las potenciales evidencias de acuicultura. Iniciar el estudio de las cubetas, piscinas y otras estructuras negativas potencialmente relacionadas con el mantenimiento del pescado vivo y/o su engorde. — Documentación de materiales muebles en Pompeya y Herculano. Sendos equipos destinados a continuar las tareas de localización, inventariado y estudio arqueológico del material mueble relacionado con la industria pesquero-conservera en dichas ciudades. — Inicio del estudio arqueológico integral de la “Bottega del Garum” (I, XII, 8), que se ha revelado como el ambiente vesubiano de mayor interés para el proyecto, por el momento. En dicho inmueble las prioridades planteadas son las siguientes:

a- Documentación de la acumulación anfórica del patio trasero (Ambiente 13), incluyendo su desmontado, muestreo para analíticas orgánicas, documentación gráfica, restauración y remontaje. Asimismo, intervención en las áreas adyacentes, para valorar la potencialidad de la cubierta sedimentaria y los restos aún en posición primaria.
b- Limpieza a techo de muro y estudio de las estructuras emergentes del Primo Cortile (Ambiente 9) y muestreo de las canalizaciones.
c- Continuación de los estudios arqueo-arquitectónicos (finalización de la planimetría y ejecución de secciones y alzados).
d- Analíticas geoquímicas de pavimentos/estructuras, de cara a la determinación de la atribución funcional de los espacios.
Concluir, por último, indicando que entre las prioridades del proyecto, al emanar de instituciones universitarias, se encuentra la vertiente docente, por lo que la formación se convierte en un elemento clave del mismo. De ahí que hayan sido integrados como miembros del equipo permanente diversos doctorandos y estudiantes españoles e italianos, que han colaborado eficazmente en los trabajos de investigación y han tenido el privilegio de iniciarse en tareas de investigación en este marco geográfico inigualable.

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El garum de Pompeya y Herculano (2008-2012).
Categorias
Terreiro do Paço

Postais Praça do Comércio

Postais do Terreiro do Paço - Praça do Comércio

A maior parte da memória da cidade e dos portugueses passa pelo Terreiro do Paço / Praça do Comércio, pelo que é normal que tenha sido amplamente fotografado e que tenham resultado centenas de postais. No site do Conservas de Portugal pode desfrutar de belíssimos  postais da coleção do CAN THE CAN e de pessoas que connosco colaboram e amavelmente disponibilizaram as imagens.

Categorias
Terreiro do Paço

A Praça do Comércio em Postal Antigo

Texto parcial do livro "A Praça do Comércio em postal antigo"

Carlos Consiglieri e Marilia Abel – Livros Horizonte
Este livro, que deve adquirir, apresenta uma fantástica coleção de 104 postais relativos ao Terreiro do Paço. Contém um texto, que reproduzimos parcialmente pois descreve de forma resumida esta praça desde 1600 aos tempos de hoje. O CAN THE CAN possui alguns destes postais, que podem ser visto no site Conservas de Portugal. 

Praça do Comércio assumiria um universo de mais de uma centena de postais, sem contar com variantes que ficaram em reserva? Como afirmam diversos investigadores, a maior parte da memória da cidade e dos portugueses passa por este sítio.
Ali foi o primeiro porto de Lisboa; local da ascensão dos judeus; espaço das estruturas do poder real manuelino; ex-libris filipino; cenário inquisitorial; entradas reais; celebração do simbólico e do poder de estado iluminista; regicídio de D. Carlos; as festas republicanas… Corporizou, na sua enseada, o ancoradouro – porto que serviu a atividade de salga de peixe, provavelmente desde os púnicos, com grande expansão no período romano como atestam as numerosas estruturas desenterradas ao sabor de conveniências.
Serviu, depois, como escoador de produtos artesanais medievos. Os barcos atracavam nos esteiros onde e hoje a Baixa. As relíquias de S. Vicente, trazidas de Sagres, desembarcaram algures num dos cais mouriscos que integrariam o esteiro. Não muito distante, os portos de Alfama e de Remolares (Cais do Sodré). A grande judiaria de Lisboa dera, desde cedo, forte contributo para as instalações portuárias ate ao momento em que a presença judaica foi superada pelo poder real.
Pouco a pouco, o rei assumira o porto. Damião de Góis dá-nos as reais dimensões destes “magníficos edifícios”. Os judeus ficarão com os cais marginais dos “Remulares” até à sua expulsão. A ligação do poder com o comércio resplandecera no Terreiro do Paço notoriamente civilista, de tal modo que a própria Capela existente era real.
Este carácter viria a ser reforçado com o majestático torreão de Filippo Terzi, mandado edificar pelo primeiro rei espanhol, Filipe II – evocativo do seu domínio de dimensão universal. O torreão da Ribeira ficaria localizado a meio da atual arcada poente.
O Terramoto esfumou a milenária memória do sítio, mas, com Pombal, a praça renascerá mantendo e reforçando a simbologia do poder do Estado, na real presença em estátua equestre. A estátua, equidistante dos torreões, marca o espírito do poder político – outorga divina.
A praça sugere uma parada militar, com o rei a cavalo à frente. Imagem da hierarquia do Estado absoluto – a pedir meças a todos – em nome do povo.
A Praça viveu os diversos tempos do liberalismo, deixando memórias que hoje são, também, páginas de História. Aqui acabou a monarquia e nasceu a República. Aqui se viveram os longos dias do Salazarismo – os burocráticos e os festivos. Aqui alvoreceu o movimento libertador do 25 de Abril… Foi, por excelência, o local exemplificador do poder político ou, melhor, de todos os poderes políticos que nos governaram. E assim esperamos que continue a ser.

O Terreiro do Paço surge da Lisboa mercantil, na viragem do século XV para o seguinte, e perdurará até meados do século  XVII, até ao dia em  que o Grande Terramoto de 1 Novembro de 1755 o destruirá. Com a perda da secular praça, perecera imenso património, móvel e imóvel, de forma irrecuperável.
A sua construção encerrará a fase da Lisboa mediévica dos mercadores-judeus que se tinham instalado nas margens das Ribeiras Velha e Nova.
Nos aterros implantaram-se edifícios e estruturas que justificavam o cognome do Rei do Comércio e da Navegação – a quem também chamavam, na Europa, o “rei da pimenta”, sua Majestade Dom Manuel, o Venturoso.
A transferência do poder real, da Corte e do aparelho administrativo que Cristóvão Rodrigues de Oliveira, no Sumário, descreve e pormenoriza, do Castelo e do Paço de Santos para o Terreiro, ganho ao Tejo, onde desaguariam a ribeira de S. Sebastião e a de Arroios, constituiu uma tarefa notável e um esforço ciclópico. Criou-se, rapidamente, o primeiro centro político português que a iconografia e textos de cronistas divulgaram pela Europa.
A natureza civilista seria o sinal e o toque dado desde o início e que perduraria durante a vivência do Terreiro do Paço.
Enquanto o Rossio (para além do emaranhado do casario que desapareceria com o Terramoto) era a “praça do povo”, com tendas e lojas, estalagem, hospital e demais “utilidades”, o Terreiro do Paço, pelo seu lado, protagonizava o ponto de partida e de chegada. Como faustoso do edificado e a exuberância do poder, não tardariam as “entradas reais”, as festas com touradas, os casamentos majestáticos – numa prática exacerbada de artes efémeras: maneiristas e barrocas, com arcos triunfais e cortejos em terra e no rio.
Também o aparato dos coches e dos tétricos desfiles da inquisição, como gravuras perpetuam numa demonstração de crueldade simbólica e singular, acabando por constituir documentos do carácter da nossa sociedade.
Desde há muito que as cercanias se revelavam como portos. Curiosamente, as diversas etapas do aterro do esteiro iam “colocando” os cais, cada vez mais perto da “linha de água” que o Terreiro do Paço iria assumir, nas novas dimensões e funcionalidades portuárias. O fortim que se implantou daria o sinal de limite, mais tarde simbolizado pelo Cais das Colunas, tão simbólico quanto romântico.
A gravura inserida na obra de G. Braunio  (Colónia, 1593?)  apresenta o Terreiro do Paço e a cidade numa articulação lógica e consolidada. O Paço Real liga-se ao Tejo, com este a “marear” os seus alicerces, numa conciliável atitude de irmandade.
Irisalva Moita, na coletânea  publicada em 1983 intitulada  Lisboa Quinhentista, inseriu o texto que servira a uma Comunicação ao “Congresso Internacional Os Descobrimentos Portugueses e a Europa dos Descobrimentos”, onde sintetiza com objetividade e clareza este processo de “fazer cidade”.

A dado passo, a investigadora assegura: “[… ] o conjunto constituído pelo Paço Real da Ribeira, dependências e edifícios anexos,  principalmente depois que aquele foi acrescentado, no reinado de D. João III, com a sua ala sul que o ligou a nova Casa da India, sobre a qual se prolongava, e de construída a imponente cúpula de Terzi que rematava o Torreão da Casa da India, constituía o grupo arquitetónico mais evidente da cidade e, por isso, também, o mais diretamente focado em todas as panorâmicas que dela se fizeram a partir do seculo XVI. Construído por fases sucessivas, era uma edificação de planta irregular, algo caótica, contudo, muito rica de contrastes e de  pormenores, mesmo a nível de exterior, compondo-se de vários corpos,  mal articulados entre si, dispostos a volta de pátios, ladeados de pórticos. Ocupava, com as suas dependências, uma área que ia desde a atual Praça do Município até meio da ala poente da Praça do Comércio, chegando a albergar toda a Família Real, filhos, irmãos e outros próximos parentes. Tinha capela privativa que gozava de privilégios especiais, constituindo, por força da sua situação, uma quase segunda catedral”.

Impunha-se, principalmente, pela riqueza e comodidade dos seus interiores que todos aqueles que visitaram as cortes de D. João III e D. Sebastião foram unanimes em considerar magnificentes.
Algumas salas estavam afetas a Serviços Públicos que requeriam a presença do rei, como o Tribunal do Desembargo do Paço, a Mesa da Consciência e Ordens, o Conselho da Fazenda e o Conselho do Estado.
Também a Casa da Moeda foi, por comodidade, transferida, ainda em tempos de D. Manuel, para junto do Paço da Ribeira e da Casa da India, onde desembarcava a prata e o ouro que eram depois reduzidos a moeda. Na realidade, a abundância de metais preciosos, o ouro de África e Ásia, a prata, primeiro da Alemanha e, depois da conquista do México e do Peru, da Espanha, obrigaram a amoedações constantes e continuas. Pegado com o Palácio Real e em instalações já aí existentes anteriormente, ficava o Arsenal  Real ou Armaria, verdadeiro Museu  Militar, onde se guardavam  e expunham todos os instrumentos  ligados a arte da guerra, desde peças de artilharia, algumas ganhas ao inimigo em campo de batalha. Ali se viam armas de todo o género: espingardas, hastes, espadas, armamentos pesados e ligeiros, de ataque e defesa, agrupados segundo os seus tipos. Havia também “bem figuradas estátuas de cavaleiros armados de ponto em branco, montados em cavalos de pau”.
Fundado por D. Manuel, este soberano tinha grande orgulho nesta obra que, conjuntamente com as Cavalariças Reais, a S. Domingos, era sempre mostrada a todos os visitantes ilustres que demandavam Lisboa.
O conjunto formado pelo Palácio Real e a Casa da India era ainda enriquecido por um jardim arborizado, e animado pela proximidade da Ribeira das Naus, cujos estaleiros e oficinas de fundição se mantinham em atividade trepidante.
O século XVI trouxe profundas mudanças a Lisboa- urbanas e simbólicas – o Terreiro espelha todas elas pela sua centralidade e funcionalidade. Damião de Góis, no seu texto de 1554, explicita essas “profundas mudanças”.
A Alfandega Nova, encostada “a beirinha do mar”, era um dos magníficos edifícios construídos por D. Manuel.”, e uma mole imensa de pedra, escorada com grandes estacas muito juntas, espetadas à mão no mar, é construída por ordem e a expensas do mesmo rei.  Seguindo pelo mesmo caminho, no sentido da corrente do rio, encontra-se um vasto campo, a partir da nova construção da alfandega e do celeiro, cercado pelo norte e pelo poente com belíssimos edifícios: ao sul, e notável a colunata de agradabilíssimo aspeto, e bem ornada, que se prolonga até a beira do rio, pois o outro lado do campo, voltado a oriente, estar limitado pelo mar. Neste terreiro está instalado o mercado do peixe e o mercado dos doces: ali ocorrem, todos os dias, magotes de peixeiros, hortelãos, confeiteiros, cortadores, padeiros, doceiros; a venderem tudo o que trazem para alimento da cidade, veem-se, além disso, barracas bem providas de comidas, de vinhos, de tendeiros, de estalajadeiros, de tecelões. No mercado do peixe, há grande quantidade de cestos, ali colocados por determinação das autoridades, nos quais o peixe é transportado por moços de fretes para as vendedeiras da praça, mal atracam os barcos de pesca.”

Depois, descreve-nos o edifício da Casa de Ceuta e Casa da India:

“Não longe desta casa, num renque contíguo de edifícios, ergue-se o sexto monumento, realizado de feição maravilhosa, repleto de abundantes presas e despojos de muitas gentes e povos. Por ali se tratarem os negócios da India, o nosso povo dá-lhe o nome de Casa da India. Na minha opinião, deveria antes chamar-se-lhe empório copiosíssimo dos aromas, pérolas, rubis, esmeraldas e de outras pedras preciosas que nos são trazidas da India ano após ano; ou então vastíssimo armazém de oiro e de prata, quer trabalhado quer em barra. Ali estão patentes, para quem os quiser admirar, inúmeros compartimentos, distribuídos com engenhosa arte e ordem, abarrotados com tao grande abundância daquelas preciosidades que – palavra de honra!- ultrapassaria a faculdade de acreditar, se não saltassem aos olhos de todos e as não pudéssemos tocar com as próprias mãos.”

Para acrescentar:

“Desde o topo do Paço Real, grandioso e sumptuoso, que Dom Manuel mandara construir para si, avança para o mar, coma uma máquina de guerra, uma vastíssima colunata, que limita pelo sul o terreiro a que já aludimos. No extrema da colunata, voltada ao nascente, ergue-se sobranceira a praia uma torre de cantaria bem trabalhada. Junto aquele, mesmo a beira do rio, começou há pouco o muito poderoso rei Dom João III, nosso Senhor, a levantar desde os alicerces um outro edifício, de admirável construção. Quando estiver concluído, com o auxílio de Deus e dos seus santos, ocupara o oitavo lugar nas belezas da cidade e arrebatara, de certo, a palavra a todos os demais monumentos.”

E remata o ilustre homem de cultura:

“Finalmente, perto do Paço Real da Ribeira, que (como disse) foi edificado por D. Manuel, o lado  oposto  a  esta  construção nova,  para  o  lado  poente,  separado por um terreiro de permeio, encontra-se o sétimo e último monumento público. É dotado de um grande número de divisões e dependências, em todas as direções, adornadas trabalhadas com arte. São tantas as entradas e tão diversas as saídas nos compartimentos interiores que bem se poderia considerar um autêntico labirinto. Aqui estabeleceram os nossos reis o Arsenal de Guerra, repleto de ingente cópia de todo o género de armas, máquinas de guerra, de morteiros, e de tudo o mais que pertence à condução de combates por terra e por mar; e em tal quantidade que, quer pela quantidade das máquinas bélicas quer pelo número infinito de armas e de lanças, facilmente ultrapassa todos os arsenais, alias bem apetrechados e bem recheados, que atualmente existem na Europa ou na Ásia, a maior parte dos quais eu visitei. Julgo que me é mais fácil provar isto, seja quem for, com este argumento: é que o Rei vê-se obrigado a ter na Ásia, na África e na Europa, só para as expedições navais ordinárias, mais de duzentos navios de todas as categorias, permanentemente apetrechados e impecavelmente municiados. Em três salas deste edifício estão guardadas, como em depósito, com a máxima diligencia e limpeza, quarenta mil armaduras de infantaria, mais três mil armaduras completas de cavaleiros, além das que são movimentadas para exercícios quotidianos e extraordinários. Também aqui se guardam peças de artilharia de todas as espécies, morteiros, escorpiões, basiliscos, leões, colubrinas, camelos, pedreiros, dispersores, e bombardas de descomunal grandeza e peso; assim como outras armas vulgares de arremesso, a que o povo da o nome de falcões, berços, espingardas; e ainda pólvora e balas de pedra e de ferro em tal abundancia que, se eu tentasse esmiuçar e descrever as diversas formas, o numero, o peso de cada uma delas, receio que se poderia supor que estava a apresentar nesta obra falsidades em vez de factos verdadeiros. Por isso, contentem-se com ler ou ouvir apenas o que aí vai.” (in Damião de Góis, Descrição da Cidade de Lisboa, Livros Horizonte (1988), 2ª edição, 2001).

O Terreiro do Paço era, sem dúvida alguma, a sede do poder, e o conjunto de edifícios que corporizavam a organiza ao das atividades económicas mostrava o que a cidade pretendia ser a Capital do Mundo, tanto  pela variedade de pessoas e de lugares como pela imensidão de produtos de todas as origens e paragens.

De um texto publicado em Paris, em 1730, por César de Saussure, retiramos o que seria o palácio do Rei, “situado a meio da cidade, a beira do Tejo” e que definiria a “praça, chamada Terreiro do Paço”. Este viajante escreveu o seguinte na sua Descrição da Cidade de Lisboa:

“A fachada principal (do palácio do Rei) corre ao longo desta praça e termina por um magnifico pavilhão, diante do qual fundeavam os navios. Dali o Rei (D. João V, como fora D. Manuel) se recreia a ver os navios entrar e sair do porto, desfrutando um panorama do rio que se estende a perder de vista. As acomodações deste palácio são dignas de nota e as salas são enormes e ricamente mobiladas. Uma das faces estende-se pela margem do rio. E a outra pelas ruas da vizinhança. Tem um pátio interior, quadrado, rodeado de colunatas, ao abrigo das quais uma multidão de mercadores, exibe tudo o que o comércio pode fornecer de mais raro”.

Os comerciantes tinham na Praça (que ainda não se chamava de Comércio) todas as razões para aqui se encontrarem. Este facto não passaria despercebido a quem nos visitava. O autor que estamos referenciando faz o elogio ao comércio e a nova classe em ascensão:

“Os comerciantes reúnem-se todos os dias pelas onze horas, perto do Palácio, numa grande rua chamada dos Mercadores. Nela esta instalada grande parte dos principais retalhistas portugueses com que tem transações e ali fazem  o seu negócio ao abrigo das arcadas que correm dos dois lados desta  rua. Nos dias bonitos de  Inverno vão para o Terreiro do Paço, onde também são certos todas as tardes. Ali se encontram muitas mercadorias para venda a pronto”.

Do período que antecede o terramoto, também Charles Frederic de Merveilleux deixou umas Memórias nas quais se refere ao Terreiro do Paço afirmando que “as praças do palácio real e do grande mercado são belas”. Quanto ao palácio real, considera-o “bastante cómodo”.

“No Inverno as salas estão revestidas de tapeçarias que se retiram no verão. Refiro-me apenas as salas que antecedem os aposentos do rei e da rainha. Logo que começa a anoitecer, coloca-se em cada sala um grande candelabro de prata cuja base se asseme­lha a uma caldeira emborcada [… ]”. “Os aposentos particulares do rei, assim como os da rainha estão atravancados de móveis de toda a espécie, podendo bem dizer-se que parecem armazéns. Sua Majestade deve ter mais vestuários no seu guarda-roupa que tem todos os mercadores de Lisboa, juntos, nas suas lojas. Seguramente e o mais rico guarda-roupa do universo”.

Mas, acima das atividades mercantis, “Sua Majestade, desejando estar no conhecimento de tudo, ocupa duas grandes partes do seu dia com o secretario de Estado. Dá audiência a algumas pessoas e o resto do seu tempo passa-o com os seus camaristas e outros oficiais de paço e junto da rainha e das damas que a rodeiam, senhoras de muita beleza. Os aposentos da rainha abrem sobre um terraço que dá para o Tejo e onde podem formar 800 homens em linha de combate”.

De igual modo, Cesar de Saussure, nas cartas escritas de Lisboa no ano de 1730, fala­nos da cidade de forma muito efusiva: “desta grande e bela cidade”. O símbolo do poder político – o Palácio Real – e apontado como um “ornamento de Lisboa”.

“Situado junto ao rio, e vasto, regular e magnifico. O edifício e quadrado com quatro torres ou pavilhões, sendo o que da para o Terreiro do Paço, a beira do Tejo, o maior e mais belo. Tem este palácio dois andares e as janelas são todas de sacada, como, alias, acontece na maioria das casas de Lisboa. Disseram-me que são vastos os seus salões, além de bem ornadas e ricamente alfaiadas. A sala dos guardas que dá para a Praça é espaçosa e tem beleza. Uma coisa, porém, me chocou: as escadarias e fachadas do palácio estão sujas e as primeiras cheias de lixo. A entrada, do lado ocidental, depara­se com um vasto e belo pátio, quadrado e cercado de arcarias, inteiramente ocupadas por lojas onde se vende toda a qualidade de quinquilharias e futilidades”.

Para, mais adiante, diz:

“Por duas vezes estive na Capela Real, situada num dos extremos do palácio. Esplende de riquezas, com excelentes quadros e mármores dos mais finos e ricos. As colunas que formam a nave estão revestidas, a toda a altura, de lâminas de prata, dando a impressão que são de prata maciça. O sacrário é de ouro, cravejado de diamantes e outras pedras preciosas e é um descansar de olhos ver tanta magnificência e tanta riqueza”.

O Terramoto de 1755 destruiu irremediavelmente estas memórias e muitas outras. Só não superou a memória e tradição do comércio, pois até a memória da presença física do Rei naquele local deixou de se sentir com a transferência da Família Real para a Ajuda.
O Terramoto e os incêndios de grandes proporções que se seguiram destruíram cerca de dez por cento das casas da cidade, estimadas em 20 mil, tornando inabitados mais de dois terços dos edifícios.
A parte principal do Plano de reconstrução aprovado define-se entre o Terreiro do Paço e o Rossio, regularizando-se estas praças e o território entre elas, criando-se, entre uma e outra praça, uma rede de ruas longitudinais e transversais, cortadas em ângulos retos. Do novo Terreiro saem três ruas que José-Augusto França classifica de “nobres” – Áurea, Augusta e Bela da Rainha (da Prata), das quais as duas primeiras desembocam no Rossio e a outra na Praça da Figueira. Nesta coletânea  incluíram-se vários postais que ilustram  o conjunto de  ruas longitudinais e transversais, onde o leitor poderá avaliar os edifícios e as artérias dessa Lisboa concebida  e programada por Eugénio dos Santos e Carlos Mardel (este último, o autor do Rossio). Ainda que sem o Rei em pessoa, o novo Terreiro (com o topónimo de Praça do Commercio) expressa o poder político, numa clara opção ideológica do Iluminismo que Pombal quis e soube encarnar.
A nova cidade abre-se sobre o Tejo, num extraordinário palco, notabilizado pelas arcarias regulares e simétricas que enquadram o Arco de Triunfo, só finalizado no século XIX, com novo desenho. Ao centro da Praça a estátua equestre de D. José, a omnipresença do poder político, como dissemos.
Os torreões sugerem aquele que Terzi desenhara nos tempos filipinos, num reconhecimento simbólico pelo objeto que durante século e meio figuraria na iconografia anterior ao grande terramoto, como os postais reproduzidos o demonstram.
A atribuição à Praça do nome de “Comércio” não deixa, no entanto, de ser contraditória, já que ali se instalaria o aparelho administrativo do poder político iluminista, numa primeira época, para depois se estabelecer o poder político da monarquia constitucional, da República e da Ditadura.
Porém, talvez o nome se deva, também, ao reconhecimento das avultadas ajudas que os comerciantes de Lisboa deram para a reconstrução da cidade. Contudo, a verdade é que as estruturas administrativas e outras ligadas ao comércio aqui permaneceram por muitos anos – a Alfandega e a Bolsa.
Appio Sottomayor escreveu que a Praça do Comércio ficou com 177 metros por 192 e que assim nascera “uma ampla entrada em Lisboa com o Tejo por fundo, salão de  visitas único para quem chegasse do mar”.
Muitos postais evidenciam este “salão de visitas” na sua amplitude e na liga ao com o Tejo, com o “cais das colunas”, como estrutura avançada dessa feliz intimidade da cidade com o rio, num cenário que se fecha no conjunto urbano com um esquema modelado de edifícios, com as arcadas e galerias, fachadas regulares e telhados de duas águas. Se a estátua equestre marca a centralidade, o Arco Triunfal enquadra a praça de forma cenográfica.

O pedestal da estátua é da autoria do arquiteto Reinaldo Manuel dos Santos e a escultura de Joaquim Machado de Castro (1731-1822), fundida em bronze, de um só jato. No pedestal encontra-se a efigie do Marques de  Pombal. Foi a primeira estátua de bronze que se fundiu em Portugal, no Arsenal do Exército, sob a direção do Engenheiro Bartolomeu da Costa. É interessante recordar que o carro que a transportou até à Praça foi puxado por mais de mil pessoas. Na parte oposta ao medalhão/efigie de Pombal, encontra-se um baixo relevo que representa “a generosidade do Rei a erguer Lisboa depois do Terramoto”. Uma figura – a Fama – toca trombeta, enquanto outra – o Triunfo – transporta a palma.
Pelo seu lado, o Arco Triunfal, conhecido vulgarmente como Arco da Rua Augusta, domina, sem dúvida, a atenção do visitante. A perspetiva da Rua Augusta possibilita observar a estátua enquadrada pelas colunas laterais do Arco. Os postais permitem esta conclusão. Concebido por Eugénio dos Santos (poder-se-á observar o “projeto primitivo”, em dois dos postais reproduzidos), só veio a ser fechado no ano de 1873, com concurso aberto, em 1843, por Costa Cabral. O projeto é de Veríssimo José da Costa.
O arco é encimado por um grupo escultórico do francês Calmels, representando a Glória e coroando o Génio e o Valor.
É possível ler-se a legenda debaixo da Glória VIRTVTIBUS MAIORVM, seguida de VT. SIT. OM NIBVS . DOCUMENTO. PPD. O significado desta legenda, segundo Norberto Araújo, é: “para que se perpetuem as virtudes dos nossos maiores”.
O PPD significaria “Pecúnia publica dicatum” o mesmo que dizer “que foi pago pelos dinheiros públicos”.
Com a armas de Portugal (do período liberal), tem duas representações de cada lado os rios Tejo e Douro e as estátuas de Nuno Álvares Pereira, de Viriato, Pombal e Vasco da Gama.
Presentemente, o Arco é um símbolo de Lisboa como os postais que constituem o último núcleo bem exemplificam.
As arcadas constituem, pelas suas dimensões e qualidade de desenho e de execução, um esforço público notável, a perseverar no futuro.
Bem lá ao cantinho e sem atravancar as galerias circundantes da Praça, situa-se- o café mais antigo de Lisboa – O Martinho – fundado em 1782.
Começou por ser uma “casa de neve”, melhor  dizendo, de gelados. Mas este desígnio só durou dois escassos anos, para se assumir um “café à italiana”, pertença de Domingo Mignani. Foi no século XIX adquirido por um tal Martinho Bartolomeu Rodrigues que era proprietário de um outro café célebre, situado no ex-largo do Camões (no Rossio) e, presentemente, denominado Largo de D. João da Câmara. Daqui que os dois estabelecimentos se chamavam Martinho, sendo o da Praça do Comércio conhecido por Martinho da Arcada.
Inicialmente muito frequentado por comerciantes, passou a acolher funcionários dos ministérios já que a Praça do Comércio era por excelência o local do funcionalismo público). Mas, nos fins do século XIX e princípios do século XX albergou muitas figuras da literatura e da arte, com especial referência para Fernando Pessoa.

As imagens dos postais nesta página são das colecções do CAN THE CAN, Hugo Oliveira site postais_antigos.com e de Joaquim Cortês.

Categorias
Garum Publicações e estudos

Roman Fish Sauce

Roman Fish Sauce: Fish Bones Residues and the Practicalities of Supply

SALLY GRAINGER
Timberua Glen road. Grayshott Hindhead. Surrey GU266NB, UK sallygrain@aol.com
(Received 2 November 2012; Revised 14 May 2013; Accepted 22 May 2013)

ABSTRACT: In this paper I will report on the results of experiments, conducted from 2009 through to 2011, to manufacture Roman fish sauce, using the ancient recipes. More specifical- ly, it will consider the nature of the fish sauce residue, known as allec, observe its formation and assess its qualities. The paper concludes that many shipwrecks currently identified as having transported amphorae that contained a salted fish product made from mackerel may in fact be shipping a semi processed fish sauce which will go on to produce a quality liquamen type sauce at its destination. This paper offers a new interpretation of the archaeological remains found in ancient transport amphorae and provides new insights into the commerce of processed fish products in the Roman Mediterranean.

RESUMEN: En este trabajo se exponen los resultados de experimentos realizados entre 2009 y 2011 para manufacturar salsas de pescado romano siguiendo las recetas antiguas. En concreto, se considerará la naturaleza del residuo de salsa de pescado conocido como allec, y se detalla- rán su génesis y sus características. El trabajo concluye que muchos pecios, actualmente rese- ñados como portadores de ánforas que contenían una salazón de caballas, podrían de hecho haber contenido una salsa de pescado a medio procesar que habría servido de base para produ- cir una salsa de calidad tipo liquamen en destino. Este trabajo ofrece por tanto una nueva inter- pretación de los restos arqueológicos de peces recuperados en antiguas ánforas de transporte al tiempo que proporciona nuevas perspectivas en torno al comercio de productos procesados de pescado en el Mediterráneo romano.

INTRODUCTION

In this paper I report on the results of experiments, conducted from 2009 through to 2011, to manufacture Roman fish sauce, using the ancient recipes. More specifically this study examines the nature of the fish sauce residue, known as allec, observes its formation and assesses its qualities. Currently, our ability to recognize evidence of fish sauce through its residues in the archaeological record is limited by a lack of basic empirical knowledge of the products themselves. Van Neer & Ervynck (2002: 208) consider that fish sauce can only be identified where «fish bones are present» which is clearly a limiting factor for fishbone specialists interested in finding fish sauce in the archaeological record. The fish sauce associated with these residues of bone is perceived to be of lower status, while the fish sauce of quality is understood to be a clear free-flowing liquid and therefore largely invisible in the archaeological record (Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 75). In archaeology, we also continue to consider garum as a luxury fish sauce, and refer to classical archaeologists such as Curtis who necessarily use ancient «elite» perspectives from Rome to define the sauces (Corcoran, 1962; Curtis, 1991, 2009). The archaeological evidence for fish sauce, however, provides the sub-elite and even lower status perspective as the residues we find are largely identified as either the bulk commonplace sauce or the bony fish paste which is considered a slave ration. It has been difficult to reconcile and inte- grate the two worlds, the elite perspectives derived from literature and the lower status perspective from the archaeological record, to form a coherent picture of the ancient trade in fish sauce (Van Neer & Ervynck, 2002: 208). This paper offers a close study of the preparation of various fish sauces along with their residues in order to offer a new interpretation of the archaeological remains found in ancient transport amphorae and to understand more clearly Roman commerce of processed fish products1.

My approach has been multi disciplinary exam- ining and analyzing information from a variety of sources: the archaeological record for processing sites, the amphorae trade and the fish bone studies from ship wrecks and urban deposits, as well as ancient and modern literature pertaining to fish sauce production and use. My backgrounds are ideally suited to this study as I am a trained chef, have an ancient history degree, a published Roman food historian with a specialty in the Apicius recipe text where fish sauce is a commonplace ingredient, and I am trained in archaeology, having earned a MA in this discipline (Dalby & Grainger, 1996; Grainger, 2006; Grocock & Grainger, 2006). Thus I was able to integrate all the available evidence for fish sauce, both ancient and modern, in order to attempt to answer some of the more perplexing questions about this product and how it was traded.

1 My research forms part of a MA dissertation on fish sauce conducted at Reading University.

FISH SAUCE: THE BASICS

Both ancient and modern fish sauce is a liquid derived from the maceration and liquefaction of whole fish with salt. The process is known as enzyme hydrolysis. The enzymes are present in the viscera in large quantities, particularly the liver and spleen, and it is their action that converts the solid protein in the muscle tissue into amino acids and peptides dissolvable in the water (Mciver et al., 1982: 1017; Curtis, 2009: 712). The «sauce» is effectively the water contained within the fish, enriched with protein, as well as additional brine which takes on the same characteristics. The protein causes the fluid to be stained in various shades of yellow to brown. The sauces are often considered fermented, but, strictly speaking, fermentation requires bacterial action in relatively low salt conditions which are not mentioned in the ancient recipes (Owens & Mendoza, 1985: 273). There are various methods employed by modern South East Asian manufacturers which we find mirrored in the ancient recipes. The small Clupeidae and Sparidae commonly used are either, on a small scale, contained in sealed vessels, or, on a large scale, covered in concrete-lined tanks, which expose the product to the heat of the sun and some evaporation. Sometimes the fish are compressed in sealed barrels, which allow the fluid to drain from the bottom of the vessel while the residue remains intact. This compressed residue is then re-brined, often many times to extract all the potential nutrients before the residue is finally discarded or used for fertilizer, in contrast to ancient fish sauce residues which are used as another food source. Modern fish sauce is also produced in levels of salt considered excessive, 25-40% by weight. These levels of salt, which are acceptable in South East Asia, actually reduce enzyme activity and there- fore the potential nutritional value of the sauces (Crisan & Sands, 1975: 106; Lopetcharat, 2001: 65-68).

Ancient recipes for fish sauce survive in late Imperial Greek and Latin texts, though they are considered problematic for many reasons. The key text, the manuscript of the Geoponica is from Greek-speaking Byzantium and has been consid- ered too far removed in time from the manufacture of fish sauce envisioned in the western Mediterranean of the 1st century AD to be considered accurate (Comis & Re, 2009: 35). It is rarely suffi- ciently acknowledged, however, that fish sauces were Greek in origin in terms of the textual evidence, and their origins geographically were obscure 2. The cuisine we think of as Roman was originally devised and initially recorded in Greek texts during the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC. It subsequently spread and became an international Mediterranean cuisine rather than simply «Roman». Nevertheless, there remained key differences between the two culinary cultures, while, at the same time, a complex linguistic culinary crossover developed3. In fact, it is recognized in classical studies that the knowledge associated with all practical preparations was predominantly of Greek origin and found in veterinary, medicinal and culinary literature. The Romans in the western Mediterranean did not value practical skills and considered the labour associated with preparing fish sauce as demeaning, and, therefore, frequent- ly relied on the skills of Greek practitioners (Cicero de off. 1.150; Adams, 1995: 1-209; Dalby, 1996: 179; Grant, 2000: 3). The Geoponica was a farming manual preserved in a 10th century AD manuscript but containing material dated to the 6th century AD. It has recently been re-evaluated and correctly recognized as a manual preserving knowledge from the agricultural tradition of the entire Roman period rather than from the later periods and as such would, in fact, provide a reli- able account of fish sauce manufacture (Dalby, 2011: 13).

2 The process itself has either been attributed to Greeks via colonies in the Black Sea or a Phoenico-Punic one in Spain (Trakadas, 2004: 47).

3 The language of the kitchen was Greek in the same way as French dominated the professional kitchen of 19th/20th century. Cooking as a skill was dominated by Greek speaking/under- standing Romans who might be bilingual in the kitchen but not elsewhere and many terms were simply transliterated and a «culinary syntheses» emerged (Dalby,1996: 179).

There are three recipes that survive in the literature: two in the Geoponica, and one attributed to Gargilius Martialis, a 3rd century AD Latin writer. This text, however, is considered a medieval gloss and is not included in the recent Les belle Lettres series. It is also clear that a number of ingredients listed in the recipe were unavailable in Roman times, and, as a result, it is far less reliable in illustrating classical Roman practices (Curtis, 1984: 148; Maire, 2002). The texts are sited in full in the appendix. The recipes suggest that two basic types of sauce existed, though many different species of fish and different methods were used.

1 A mixture of small whole fish of the Clupeidae and Sparidae families considered small enough with the addition of extra viscera from other fish and salt added, allowing the mixture to liquefy in the sun until pickled. Liquid is then taken when the sauce flows through a basket and can be ladled out (Geo- ponica). This is a liquamen in Latin and garon in Greek4.

2 A mixture of somewhat larger fish, dominated by Scombridae as well as Clupeidae and Sparidae. These are cut up with salt and also the residue from previous fish sauce production known as allec 5 added. Apparently, no additional viscera was needed. Extra liquid (wine) could be used. This is pickled for 2-3 months (Geoponica). This is also liquamen in Latin and garon in Greek.

3 A similar variety of fish but the whole process is made in a sealed vessel and on a smaller scale (Gargilius Martialis). This is liquamen.

4 A quick and clearly domestic method where whole fish are boiled in brine until all flavour and nutrients are transferred to the liquid. The mixture is then fully strained (Geoponi- ca). This is also liquamen in Latin and garon in Greek.

5  A luxury sauce made with viscera and blood from tuna (though clearly other fish, such as mackerel, were used) and salt. This is allowed to ferment for two months and then removed by piercing the vessel and the sauce flows out from below (Geoponica). This is garum in Latin and either garon haimation (bloody) or melan (black) in Greek (Galen: Kuhn, 1965: 637)6.

6 A fish brine derived from the salting of cleaned fish. This is also a type of fish sauce seasoning and was considered cheaper or more commonplace (Ausonius Epis.21). As a fish brine, it actually seems to have been val- ued too (Olsen & Sens, 2000: 159). This is muria in Latin and halma/yris in Greek. Some modern scholars also considered it a form of garum 7.

The recipes suggest that there were many different ways to make fish sauce. In fact, from a literary study, which will be published elsewhere, it is clear that there were multiple qualities of fish sauce and defining them in terms of expensive or cheap is too simple; each variety could exist in varying qualities. It is clear that the perception of the quality of the product consumed depended on so many factors: taste; the use(s) of the sauce as different sauces do seem to have different roles within the cuisine; choice; income; and the consumer’s social position and where he viewed him- self/ herself within the social order. The sauce considered an expensive garum made from just blood and viscera will not be further discussed here.

4 The term is later transliterated into garum and the distinction between the two terms depends on the apparent early use of garum and the apparent later Latin usage of liquamen (Ettienne, 2006: 6; Curtis, 2009: 713). It is clear, however, that liquamen had a distinct and separate meaning from garum in the 1st century AD which I believe was maintained into the late empire (Grainger, 2013 forthcoming).

5 Curtis (1984) believes this usage of allec refers to its other meaning as a generic term for small fish of the Clupeidae and Sparidae families. As anchovy is specifically named in this recipe, such a definition seems to me unfounded.

6 It is my belief that garos and garum are not in fact equivalent (liquamen is equivalent to garos, garos melan/haimation is equivalent to garum. For a detailed discussion of this theory see Grainger (2013 forthcoming). For other references to «bloody» and «black» garos see papyri: P. Anst. inv. no 44; Aetius 3.83.

7 I have elsewhere published that I doubt that these elite ref- erences to muria (Martial Epigrams 13.103) being a form of blood/viscera sauce, with reference to the use of tuna viscera in the Geoponica, are correct. It is unlikely that tuna would make a whole-fish sauce but rather a blood/viscera sauce or a brine as a secondary product from salted fish (Grainger 2010: 25; Grainger, 2013, forthcoming). But see Corcoran (1963: 206) and Studer (1994: 195) for a different view.

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE FOR FISH SAUCE: THE FISH BONE REMAINS

The apparent residues of an ancient fish sauce have been found throughout the Roman Mediterranean, northern Europe and Roman Britain in the form of large amounts of discarded small-fish bones. The most important sites are listed in Table 1. The bones were dominated by poorly preserved small Clupeidae and Sparidae, 5-20 cm in length (Van Neer & Ervynck, 2002: 208). These residues were often inside or near the discarded amphorae, at ports or trading sites in the Mediterranean where the sauces were processed or sold. They were also identified inside the cetaria at processing sites in Southern Spain, North Africa and Portugal. These bone residues are generally interpreted as a form of allec, i.e., the fish sauce residue described in the Geoponica after the desirable sauce had been taken (Dalby, 2011: 349, l. 7). This was also considered a marketable product in its own right, i.e. a bony fish paste not unlike a gentlemen’s relish or pissalat with a potential market among the poor and slaves (Delaval & Poignant, 2007: 59-66). It has been pointed out by Van Neer & Ervynck (2002: 208) that it seems economically irrational to widely transport a residue which was perceived to be of low quality. The fish bone residues found at Masada that have been identified as allec by Cotton et al. (1996: 231) were derived from very small sardines (3-5 cm in length) from the Western Mediterranean, probably Spain, and, according to a passage in Pliny which will be discussed below, were identified as a luxury product traded into Palestine. These tiny bones may have been con- sumed along with the paste but I doubt such a product could have been considered elite or even remotely desirable. It is also important to note that the Geoponica actually states that the residue «makes allec» not that the residue is allec, which implies the bones were not an integral part of this product. Other examples of allec were derived from much more substantial Clupeidae and Spari- dae bones. Ultimately one has to imagine the bones being removed from the paste by the con- sumer as and when required which is not a simple procedure. Of course, had this in fact been the case, the bones would not be found in one discrete place, but rather would be distributed all over the archaeological record and be unrecognizable. It is only because the discarded bones have been found in large quantities that we can recognize them as some sort of fish sauce residue. It is not really clear what process was involved in discarding the sauce represented by the bones in or near amphorae. It has been suggested that spoilage of the sauce caused these events but this does not seem to be an adequate explanation for all the evi- dence (Hamilton-Dyer, 2001: 4).

Urban sites
• Saltsberg Clupeidae and Sparidae 4-12 cm (Lepsikaar, 1986)
• Masada Clupeidae 4-5 cm (Cotton et al., 1996)
• Cerro del Mar, Málaga multiple samples including Clupeidae and Sparidae 10-20 cm (Driesch, 1980) • Olbia 1 Clupeidae and Sparidae 15-20 cm (Bruschi & Wilkins, 1996; Dellusi & Wilkins, 2000)
• Olbia 2 Clupeidae and Sparidae 5-10 cm (Bruschi & Wilkins, 1996; Dellusi & Wilkins, 2000)
• London Peninsula house Sprattus sprattus and Clupea harengus – 8 cm (Bateman & Locker, 1982)
• York, Dorchester Sprattus sprattus and Clupea harengus 7-10 (Hamilton-Dyer, 2008)
• Tienen Clupeidae 5 cm (Van Neer et al., 2005)
• Setubal Clupeidae and Sparidae 8-19 cm (Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000)
Ship wrecks
• Randello c.300AD, Almagro 50, sardine 10-17 cm (Wheeler & Locker, 1984)

TABLE 1
Fish sauce residues considered allec from urban and shipwreck sites.

The ancient literature on allec is very confusing and therefore needs to be re-examined. Pliny the Elder is the text most often cited:

«Allec is the sediment of garum, the dregs neither strained nor whole. It has, however, begun to be made separately from tiny fish, otherwise of no use. The Romans call it apua, the Greeks aphye, because this tiny fish is bred out of rain. …….. Then allex became a luxury and its various kinds have come to be innumerable…… Thus allex has come to be made from oysters, sea urchins, sea anemones, and mullet’s liver, and salt to be cor- rupted in numberless ways so as to suit all palates».

Pliny the Elder HN. 31.96

The passage is neutral about the value of allec made from «apua» and the luxury tag is only really associated with the bone-free fish pastes made from sea food such as sea urchins and oysters. The evidence from amphorae tituli picti and elite literary references also make it clear that, in fact, the best fish sauces was made specifically from mackerel. We may assume that the best allec would have been derived from this meaty fish too. Curtis (1991: 195) records one tituli picti designating the allec from mackerel.
The artisanal fish paste known as pissalat made in the region of France between Nice and Marseille was made from anchovies of various sizes. The bones were not removed from those tiny anchovies used to make pissalat in Antibes, Figure 1; «Born of rain» seems particularly apt (Delaval & Poignant, 2007: 62). I had a conversation with an artisanal pissalat maker at a Nice market who told me that, if the sardines are any bigger, the bones are sieved out. It seems clear that the reference by Pliny to allec becoming a luxury was not concerned with fish sauce or its residue at all. Rather, this allec that was a smooth fish paste did not generate a sauce. The nutrients were retained in the paste, it did not hydrolyze into a liquid, and the bones were sieved out while the fish were soft but not dissolved. It appears that the most commonplace and non-elite fish sauce that we know was traded so widely was in fact represented by bones from the Clupeidae and Sparidae family in a 5-20 cm size range, as noted by Desse-Berset & Desse (2000: 91), and which, in fact, we find associated with amphorae across the Roman Empire and at processing sites.

The evidence for the best fish sauce made exclusively from mackerel has not been easy to find. There is, however, extensive evidence from imperial Roman shipwrecks for the transporting of mackerel stored in amphorae that, though appearing to be designed for a liquid fish sauce, have been identified as transporting a salted Spanish mackerel. The shipwreck sites are listed in Table 2. The identification of the product as salted fish has been largely due to the comparatively large size of the Spanish mackerel and other Clupeidae and Sparidae when compared to those associated withallec, and to the extremely high quality of its preservation (Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 91). The theory has been that a fish sauce product would result in fragmentary bone, and this, in fact, does seem to be the case in some of the land-based evidence for allec. All the shipwreck bone evidence, however, is quite unique in being so well-preserved, and this may be due to the specific anti-bacterial environmental conditions of the sea.

FIGURE 1 Sardine used to make pissalat which are aptly described as «born of rain» by Pliny (HN 61.95; Delaval & Poignant, 2007: 62).

page6image37990592

Sud Perduto II. Dressel 7/9, 1st Century AD, Scomber japonicus 40-48 cm (Parker, 1992: 1121; Desse- Berset, 1993: 343, Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 76-79)
Cape Bear III (Port Vendres) Dressel 12, Scomber japonicus 28-40 cm (Parker, 1992: 171; Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 80)
Port Vendres II Dressel 7, Scomber japonicus size unknown (Colls et al., 1977: 40-43; Parker, 1992: 331; García Vargas, 1998; Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 81)
St Gervaise III, Beltran 2b, Trachurus trachurus 40-50 cm (Parker, 1992: 373; Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 81)
Anse Gerbal (Port Vendres 1) c.325 AD, Almagro 50/51 Sardina pilchardus 22-25 cm (Parker, 1992: 874; Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 92)
Elba II (Chiessi), mid 1st century AD, Scomber japonicus 30 cm (Bruschi & Wilkins, 1996: 167; Dellusi & Wilkins, 2000)
Grado , 2nd century AD, Scomber japonicus 30 cm and Sardina pilchardus size unknown (Auriemma, 2000: 31-49; Dellusi & Wilkins, 2000: 53-65).
Cala Reale al Asinara, 4/5th century AD, Almagro 51, Sardina pilchardus size unknown (Dellusi & Wilkins, 2000; Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000).

TABLE 2 Ship wreck evidence currently considered salted fish.

Only one Roman shipwreck has been tentatively identified as carrying a fish sauce allec and that is Randello (see Table 1; Wheeler & Locker, 1984). This is due to the large number of fishes represented relative to the size of the amphora, and their very small size. There are two key shipwreck sites that require discussion. Grado, a 2nd century AD wreck in the northern Adriatic is exceptional in having large quantities of well-preserved mackerel and sardine bones in numerous different types of large African amphorae as well as small but empty amphorae with a tituli picti stating the product as a liq(uamen) Flos. The bones are currently identified as a salted fish (Auriemma, 2000: 31-49; Dellusu & Wilkens, 2000: 53-65). The 1st century AD wreck at Cape Bear III at Port Vendres contained Dressel 12 amphorae, and the mackerel apparently transported in them were up to 40 cm in length. I do not think it is possible for mackerel this large to be put inside such an amphora even in pieces: it would have been impossible to get them in or get them out as can be seen from their shape (Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 79-81).

The Dressel 12 amphorae (Figure 2) are clearly a liquid container and it is my contention that these shipwrecks as well as many others transporting mackerel (or uniform Clupeidae and Sparidae of a similar nature) were actually carrying a form of mackerel allec.
I was unsure for what economic purpose this served until my experiments demonstrated the logic behind this practice.

http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/ view/amphora_ahrb_2005/drawings.cfm?id=67&CFID=2827207&CFTOKEN=41216567.

FIGURE 2 Dressel 12 amphora.

THE EXPERIMENTS

Over the last three years, I made 10 different sauces, sticking closely to the basic recipes but adjusting the variables each time in order to determine the perfect conditions required to maximise speed of liquefaction as well as nutritional and culinary quality in the bulk process indicated by the large cetaria (salting tanks) found in Southern Spain and North Africa. I processed my fish in a green house in fish tanks which allowed me to duplicate Mediterranean temperatures quite closely. Most of the data I used to determine these ideal conditions were based on an early observational study which was both complex and time-consuming to relate in detail here. The variables were as follows:

SALT LEVELS: These are stated to be 15% or 7 parts fish to 1 part salt in the Geoponica. The Gargilius recipe is estimated at 3:1 which is much closer to modern fish sauce salt levels and has also been demonstrated to reduce nutritional yield (Klomklao et al., 2006: 443).

PRESENCE OR ABSENCE OF ADDITIONAL VISCERA: In one recipe, smaller fish were pickled with extra viscera, while the other two made no mention of additional viscera. As a bulk catch of Clupeidae and Sparidae could not sensibly be individually processed, this may suggest that the extra viscera was designed to aid the liquefaction process where the viscera cavity was not exposed.

PRESENCE OR ABSENCE OF ADDITIONAL LIQUID: One Geoponica recipe calls for wine at a ratio of 1 fish to 2 wine. This was assumed to be a later stage in production, i.e. the oenogarum sauces mentioned in recipes (Grainger, 2007: 106) and also excessive. The other two recipes, however, made no mention of extra liquid.

FISH VARIETY AND SIZE: I used sprat (5-10 cm) caught and frozen on board ship, sardine (8-24 cm) caught the night before in Scottish waters and mackerel (25-35 cm) caught and salted by myself in the Solent near Portsmouth.

TEMPERATURE: The air temperature of the coastal regions around Cádiz and Gibraltar during the summer range from 15-35°C with an average midday temperature in June, July and August of 30°C. These temperatures were mirrored inside the green house over the duration of the experiments. The liquid temperature of the sauce during the hottest period of the day never reached above 20°C.

CLOSED OR OPEN VESSEL: If the vessel or salting tank was open to the sun, as suggested in the Geoponica, then evaporation will eventually result in a gradual reduction in volume. Either the
sauce was taken before this can happen or extra liquid was added.

OPEN OR CLOSED ABDOMINAL CAVITY: Small fish were left whole. From the Gargilius recipe, it appears that larger fish were cut into pieces, thus exposing the viscera. The Geoponica does not stipulate cutting but implies pieces by the instruction to kneed the fish with salt.

COOKING OR NOT: One of the suggested ways to make fish sauce was to boil the fish in brine and strain the liquor. The text made it clear that this was certainly a separate domestic and small-scale process and that fermentation and cooking were not combined in the bulk process. Modern fish sauce production considers that excessive heat destroys the enzymes that hydrolyse the protein (Geoponica 20.46; Klomklao et al., 2006: 444).

LENGTH OF PROCESSING TIME: The recipes in the Geoponica suggested 2-3 months for the whole fish sauce and 2 months for the blood and viscera sauce. A further Geoponica recipe did not stipulate a time limit, and the Gargilius Martialis recipe appeared to suggest just a few weeks.

SUMMARY OF RESULTS AFTER 3-YEAR OBSERVATION

The exposed and/or extra viscera initially maximized the brine yield. Without one or the other of these and ideally both, the yield of natural water from the fish was too small in volume to dissolve the salt, resulting in a crunchy fish mash. Similar findings were reported by Commis & Re (2009).

As I conjectured, the brine that was generated steadily evaporated, and the sauce yield was limited in the thick gray paste that formed. I lost up to 15% of volume over the first 2 weeks in the first sardine and sprat sauces. I found that when sufficient digesting enzyme activity was present (exposed and/or additional viscera), the skin begun to disappear in the liquid and the muscle tissue appeared to «explode in slow motion» within a few days, i.e. the tissue softened and separated into small particles which floated free within the liquid. This was what formed the dense paste. These particles could rapidly saturate the limited liquid that was present, and, when this happened no further disintegration could take place. It was the smallest fish that dissolved first, while the majority of larger sardine and mackerel pieces remained undissolved, most likely due to the lack of sufficient liquid for the process to take place. The ratio of extra liquid suggested in the Geoponica, (wine but brine was more likely) was 1 fish: 2 liquid. This seemed likely to dilute the sauce too much, and so early experiments used a reversal of this ratio, i.e. 2 fish: 1 brine in sauces with and without additional viscera. The process of disintegration restarted in this new liquid and the thick grey paste became an emulsion. Initially, the dark clear sauce emerged on the top of the tank, while the particles sank and merged with the remaining fish pieces. But as the process of stirring continued, this was reversed, and the particles rose to the surface causing the desirable sauce to be trapped underneath. It is con- jectured that the liquid had become enriched in protein as the density was increased, forcing the particles to float over the heavier liquid. At this point evaporation ceased.

The sauce made from sardines (8-24 cm), without the additional viscera but with 2 fish: 1 extra brine, generated a copious emulsion after three months of processing. At least 40% of the sardine in the 15-24 cm size range, however, remained structurally intact though the viscera cavity was eroded as can be seen in Figure 3.

FIGURE 3

Sardines over 15 cm after 3 months of fermentation with their cavity eroded but the majority of muscle tissue intact. This sauce had sufficient liquid but did not contain extra viscera and therefore did not have enough enzyme activity to dissolve the larger fish.

It was possible to re-brine this volume of remaining fish flesh and generate a second sauce which was by no means of second quality. In order to determine whether extra viscerae or more brine or both were necessary to ensure more of the fish were dissolved, an experiment was developed using a batch of mackerel sauce made with the fish cut into 3 pieces and with additional viscera at 10% and the original ratio of brine at 1 part fish to 2 parts brine.

This recipe resulted in a dramatic liquefaction. It took from one week to ten days to liquefy and disarticulate up to 8 kg of mackerel. This was clearly too fast, and, as it was accompanied by fairly rapid spoilage of the sauce in the following months, it was determined that this ratio of extra liquid resulted in a weak and unstable sauce. It also seemed likely that the manufacturer would not want to dilute the sauce in the early stages any more than necessary, particularly as a concentrated fish sauce would be more economical to transport. Further experiments using more viscera and a liquid ratio of 2:1 continued to leave 25-30% of the fish flesh un-liquefied. See Figure 4 for the bony allec from this mackerel sauce.

It seemed likely that the enzymes could not liquefy any more fish in these conditions. A ratio of 2 parts fish to 1 part brine with 10% extra viscera proved the most effective in producing a sauce efficiently liquefied with maximum nutrition while leaving sufficient remaining fish to generate a good second sauce. One may imagine that it would be highly profitable for fish sauce manufacturers to generate two equal sauces in terms of nutrition and taste from one batch of fish.

FIGURE 4

A residue (allec) of unliquefied mackerel, having been cut into pieces and processed with sufficient extra viscera and extra liquid to generate a saturated emulsion after 2 months fermentation.

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THE SAUCE ITSELF AND ITS NATURE

In ideal conditions of high enzyme activity (provided by the extra viscera, sufficient liquid, and heat), the cartilage is also digested by the enzyme action, and this results in complete disar- ticulation of the smaller fish skeletons (5-10 cm). In these ideal conditions, many of the larger pieces or whole fish still did not fully liquefy in the increased volume of fluid. All the fish pieces and disarticulated bone initially remain suspended if small and then fell to the bottom throughout the majority of the process. With an extended processing time (over 2 months), however, the sauce became so rich in protein that the density of the sauce increased. The bones and even large pieces of undissolved fish rose through the thick layer of fish particles to the surface. Prior to this while the bones were still largely at the bottom, the tank was full of a thick emulsion which could be easily removed with minimal bone contamination. This emulsion constituted the unfiltered sauce. I have been able to demonstrate through laboratory test- ing that the nutritional value of the final sauce was greatly improved by storage in this unfiltered state. After discussing this product with Robert Curtis, he agreed that this unfiltered sauce could well be identified with the tituli picti «flos». When these identifying labels signify flos flos or floris, it is possible that a filtered sauce, i.e a sauce derived from the flos («flower of the flower»), was intended, though we can also see from tituli picti that other ways to signify a filtered sauce were possi- ble [CIL 4.7110: liquamen optimum saccatum «the best filtered fish sauce»; Curtis (1991: 195), Grainger (2010: 69)]. Had this product been put directly into an amphora, it would continue to set- tle out with the desirable sauce in the base spike while the paste forms a plug near the top. Figure 5 shows a mackerel flos liquamen after it has settled.

Currently, I am experimenting with the possibility that this emulsion was diluted at this stage (with reference to common tituli picti for lymphatum) to reduce the specific gravity and cause the bone-free allec to settle into the spike and free up the sauce so it can be accessed. This would then constitute the bone-free allec valued as a fish paste.

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE BONES

When larger fish such as mackerel (20-40 cm) are used, I estimate that as much as 40% of the fish can remain undissolved and clearly constitute a potential second sauce. When smaller and very small fish (5-10 cm) are used such as Sprattus sprattus, the majority of the flesh is dissolved and the bones disarticulate, but the layer of bone is thick and rich in allec and able to generate a second sauce of lesser quality if diluted. In both scenarios, re-brining could occur either in situ or, as I would like to suggest, once the allec has been put into other amphorae. This would free up the processing tank for another batch of fish while they are in abundance during the summer months and allow the second sauces to be generated in transit.

The small-scale recipes recommended using a basket to filter the sauce of bone when it was removed. On a large scale, this seems both unwieldy and hard to envision. Without a bone filter, as the emulsion was removed, more of the thick sauce will be contaminated by the bone. In fact, it is likely the process of removal of the sauce did not stop, i.e. as the bone was revealed, it sim- ply went into other amphorae. In this way, early amphorae used for the flos product would have small amounts of bone, while later ones, probably of a different shape, contained larger amounts. In each case, it was the liquid fish sauce that was the final product. The bones were transported because they still retained flesh or were in a thick paste and could not be easily removed if disarticulated. We have been looking for a rational economic reason why what appears to be a very bony fish sauce residue was shipped so widely. We believe we now have a logical reason. Rather than the bony allec being a fish paste of limited value, it was simply a semi-processed fish sauce waiting further processing. In transit, the sauce developed its protein levels, and, at the port, market, or place of use, the new flos emulsion would be poured off the bones remaining in the amphora. It is very likely that many of the urban sites with evidence of allec will undoubtedly represent this discarded bone (see Table 2).

One of the defining characters of the fish sauces» residues found on land, first identified by Desse-Berset & Desse (2000: 91), was the quality of the preservation. The bones were often fragmentary, even described as fish bone flour. This damage was judged to be caused by the fermentation process and decomposition. Also, it was assumed that, as cooking is considered to be part of the process, this would have also damaged the bone (Desse-Berset & Desse, 2000: 93). It is important to note that there was no apparent dam- age to the bones caused by the fermentation process (Figure 6 shows mackerel opercula after a successful fermentation).

There was also no evidence of digestion in the form of acid etching. As already noted, cooking of a fish sauce appeared to be a separate and domestic process that was unlikely to have been used in conjunction with fermentation, and modern fish sauce techniques confirm this (Klomklao et al., 2006: 444). It is therefore possible to demonstrate that a shipment of mackerel allec subsequently ship-wrecked in the Mediterranean only a few weeks after processing would contain substantial amounts of flesh on articulated skeletons. In these circumstances, it would be impossible to distinguish between a salted fish product and one intended to be a fish sauce, using the current criteria identified by Desse-Berset & Desse (2000: 93). It seems like- ly that the defining factor in a case like Cape bear III would be the shape and size of the amphorae. In this case, the Dressel 12 amphorae, with their narrow elongated body and narrow neck, would clearly suggest semi-liquid rather than solid pieces. The Grado wreck is also of great significance. Many of the sardines remained articulated, and organic matter was present which suggest the ship may have gone down very shortly after departing. We can now see that the empty amphorae labelled as liquamen flos may have held the first sauce while the fish bones, placed in whatever amphorae were available, represented the second sauce being generated in transit.

FIGURE 5
The sauce in the form of an emulsion removed from fermented sardine, demonstrating the particles of muscle tissue in the liquid. We may considered this a «flos liquamen».

FIGURE 6
Mackerel opercula from an efficient mackerel liquamen demonstrating little damage or acid erosion.

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CONCLUSIONS

It has been possible to demonstrate that the residue of ancient fish sauce known as allec probably existed in two forms: the bone, and semi-digested fish mash which constituted a fish sauce concentrate being generated in transit and a runny bone free fish paste. The latter was likely found in the spike of fish sauce amphorae and was probably consumed as a relish or even re-brined to generate the genuine second-quality sauces that we find on amphora tituli picti. I believe it can also be demonstrated that, when whole fish sauce was manufactured, a «second sauce» from the same batch of fish may also have been shipped alongside the first sauce, and this constituted the allec currently identified as a separate bony fish paste. Both products may have needed further processing by traders and merchants before being ready for sale. The fish bone evidence associated with shipwrecks and discarded amphorae from urban sites needs re-evaluating in light of these findings. It may be possible, when finding in the future new shipwrecks, to compare the shape of amphorae with the fish bone evidence inside the vessels and determine just what was being shipped. Many of the fish bones currently considered a salted fish product were shipped in the Dressel 7-14 forms which amphorae specialists consider a fish sauce vessel rather than a salted fish vessel. One may imagine that liquids and solids would ideally be shipped in vessels designed for this purpose as Opait (2007: 117) has pointed out. The choice of vessel would clearly depend on circumstances and availability, and the re-use of amphorae make the whole issue very much more complex. The fact of re-use may render any firm conclusions about the products inside impossible. These preliminary conclusions have opened up the issue of the trade in fish across the Mediterranean. In turn, they may have profound consequences not only for our interpretation of the fish bone evidence associated with fish sauce but also much wider implications for our interpretation of the ancient economy and more particularly the relationship between Spain and Italy in terms of the trade in fish and other products.

APPENDIX 1

The Geoponica 46. Making gara

The so-called liquamen is made thus. Fish entrails are put in a container and salted; and little fish, especially sand-smelt or small red mullet or mendole or anchovy, or any small enough, are all similarly salted; and left to pickle in the sun, stirring frequently. When the heat has pickled them, the garos is got from them thus: a deep close woven basket is inserted into the centre of the vessel containing these fish, and the garos flows into the basket. This, then, is how the liquamen is obtained by filtering through the basket; the residue makes alix.

The Bithynians make it thus. Take preferably small or large mendole, or, if none, anchovy or scad or mackerel, or also alix, and a mixture of all these, and put them into a baker’s bowl of the kind in which dough is kneaded; to one modios of fish knead in 6 Italian pints of salt so that it is well mixed with the fish, and leaving it overnight put it in an earthenware vessel and leave it uncovered in the sun for 2 or 3 months, occasionally stirring with a stick, then take [the fluid?], cover and store. Some add 2 pints of old wine to each pint of fish.

If you want to use the garon at once, that is, not by ageing in the sun but by cooking, make it thus. Into pure brine, which you have tested by floating an egg in it (if it sinks, the brine is not salty enough) in a new bowl, put the fish; add oregano; place over a sufficient fire, until it boils, that is, until it begins to reduce a little. Some also add grape syrup. Then cool and filter it; filter a second and a third time until it runs clear; cover and store. A rather high quality garos, called haimation, is made thus. Take tunny entrails with the gills, fluid and blood, sprinkle with sufficient salt, leave in a vessel for two months at the most; then pierce the jar, and the garos called haimation flows out.

Translation: Andrew Dalby (2011), The Geoponica Prospect Books.

(Pseudo) Gargilius Martialis, Medicinae ex holeribus et pomis 62.

A confection of liquamen which is called oenogarum.
Naturally oily fishes are caught/ taken, such as are salmon and eels and shad and sardines or herrings, and an arrangement of the following kind is made of them along with dried fragrant herbs with salt/ they are put together with fragrant died herbs and salt in this way. A good, sturdy vessel. well pitched, with a capacity of three or four modii, is got ready, and dried herbs with a good fragrance are taken – these can be garden or field herbs – namely dill, coriander, fennel, celery, sicareia, sclareia?, rue, mint, sisymbrium (?wild thyme), lovage, pennyroyal, oregano, bettony, argemonia, and the first layer is spread out at the bottom of the vessel using these. Then the second layer is laid down using fish –whole if they are small, cut in pieces if they are larger – over this is added the third layer of salt two fingers deep, and the vessel is to be filled right to the top in this, with succes- sive triple layers of herbs, fish and salt. It should then be closed up with a lid fitted and put aside as it is for seven days.

When the seven days are over, the mixture should be stirred right to the bottom, using a wooden paddle shaped like an oar, twice or three times every day. When this process is complete, the liquor which flows out of this mixture is collected. And in this way liquamen or oenogarum is made from it. Two sextarii of this liquor are taken and are mixed with half a sextarius of wine, then single bundles of (each of) four herbs – viz. dill, coriander, savoury and sclareia. A (one) little handful of fenugreek seed is also thrown in, and of the aromatics thirty or forty grains of pepper, three pennies of costum by weight, the same of cinnamon, the same of clove, and when pounded up finely these are mixed with the same liquor.

Then this mixture should be cooked in an iron or a bronze pan until it reduced to a sextarius in volume. But before it is cooked half a pound of purified honey ought to be added to it. When it has been cooked it ought to be strained through a bag like a medicine until it is clear – it needs to be boiling when it is poured into the bag. When clarified and cooled it is kept in a well-pitched vessel in order to give flavour to opsonia.

Translation Dr C. Grocock

Categorias
Garum

SALTED FISH INDUSTRY IN ROMAN LUSITANIA

SALTED FISH INDUSTRY IN ROMAN LUSITANIA: TRADE MEMORIES BETWEEN OCEANUS AND MARE NOSTRUM

HERITAGES AND MEMORIES FROM THE SEA
1. UNCOVERING HERITAGES AND MEMORIES
SÓNIA BOMBICO - msbombico@uevora - University of Évora

 ABSTRACT 

Initiated by Augustus, Rome’s Atlantic policy seems to have been consolidated in the age of Claudius, with the acknowledgement of the economic potential offered by the Atlantic region. It is in this context that we must understand the development of the salted-fish industry in Lusitania. In the same geographical contexts, and in close relationship with fish-processing factories, are known about 20 pottery centres producing amphorae, located in the regions of Peniche, Sado and Tejo valleys, and the coasts of Alentejo and Algarve. This production extended in time beyond the end of the Western Roman Empire and up to the end of the 5th and 6th centuries, according to the archaeological data of some amphora kilns and fish-processing sites. The identification of Lusitanian amphorae in distant consuming centres and several shipwrecks in the Mediterranean basin confirm the long-distance commerce and the total integration of this “peripheral” region into the trade routes of the Roman Empire. 

THE “CONQUEST” OF THE ATLANTIC FACADE

The inclusion of the Lusitania Province and the northwestern Iberian Peninsula into the Roman Empire allowed for the existence of regular long-distance contacts with other provinces and especially with the Mediterranean. The spreading out of Rome’s power to Britannia and Germania Inferior – a process completed in the middle of the 1st century AD – inevitably provided the Roman Empire with a wide Atlantic coastal area. 

The trade networks established along the Atlantic facades of the Iberian Peninsula supplied not only the cities but also, and above all, the fixed military camps located in the northwestern Iberian Peninsula. The archaeological data suggests a preferred relationship with the Baetica province and the port of Gades, where the supply of corn, wine and olive oil was controlled by the state (Remensal Rodriguéz 1986, 111; Morillo Cerdán and Salido Domínguez 2010, 148). Those military supply networks can also be related to the more recently established routes towards Britannia and Germania Inferior (Fernández Ochoa and Morillo Cerdán 2010, 115; García Vargas 2010, 65). 

Actually, despite some sailing difficulties, the Atlantic route constituted the best choice considering the distance/cost relationship (Carreras Monfort 2000; Blot, M.L. 2003; Fabião 2009a, 53). However, international studies have valued the importance of the Gallic isthmus and the Rhone and Rhine routes, underlining the supposed Hispanic peripheral condition and depreciating the Atlantic route (Carreras Monfort 2000, Fabião 2009 a). 

The lack of shipwreck records on the Atlantic coast from Cadiz to La Coruna in the work of Parker (1992), coupled with a somewhat non-contextualised analysis of Ora Maritima (ca. 4th century), has contributed to an increased skepticism regarding the Atlantic navigation of the Romans. Cadiz, described by Strabo (ca. 1st century) with enthusiasm, lay in ruins three centuries later, according to Avienus (Mantas 2000). 

Nevertheless, in the last decades, archaeological underwater discoveries in maritime and fluvial contexts (Bombico 2012, Cardoso 2013, Blot and Bombico 2014) along the Atlantic facade have contributed to a better understanding and characterisation of settlements and sea routes. 

Initiated by Augustus, Rome’s Atlantic policy seems to have been consolidated in the age of Claudius, with the acknowledgement of the economic potential offered by the Atlantic region (Mantas 2002–2003, 459; Fabião 2005, 84). In fact, between the middle of the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD, the quantity of archaeological evidence 

indicative of Roman presence in the western Iberian Peninsula grows exponentially, confirming data found in classical literature sources (Pomponius Mela, Pliny, Strabo and Avienus). Thus, Pliny wrote that “the cities worthy of mention on the coast, beginning from the Tagus, are that of Olisipo, famous for its mares, which conceive from the west wind; Salacia, which is surnamed the Imperial City; Merobriga; and then the Sacred Promontory, with the other known by the name of Cuneus, and the towns of Ossonoba, Balsa, and Myrtili”.1 

1 Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist., 435.21. 

The complexity of the Atlantic environment makes it particularly difficult to recognise ancient port facilities and calls for a reflection on the concept of harbour space. In fact, these vestiges are not always materialized in specific harbour equipment. Sometimes, it could be that, as described by Strabo regarding the Tiber River, ships were unloaded through the use of smaller vessels (Blot, M.L. 2003, 22). 

The historical and archaeological data collected in the last decades suggest the following scenario: 

– the existence of a significant exploitation of marine resources (mainly fish products) correlated with amphora kilns; 

– an interest for estuaries and the influence they had on the development of Lusitania’s maritime cities; 

– the proliferation of archaeological records related to transport and circulation of goods by sea along the Atlantic coastline (such as the pattern of distribution of some amphorae and terra sigillata); and lastly, 

– the identification of archaeological remains of ancient navigation (lead anchor stocks, shipwrecks and lighthouses). 

The main Roman viae in Lusitania seem to arise, on the one hand, from the necessity to link maritime cities among each other, and, on the other hand, from the necessity to connect them to the fluvial routes that penetrated the territory (Mantas 2002–2003). This means that roads combined maritime routes and oceanic termini with inner termini (Blot, M.L. 2003). These elements suggest an ancient economy based on both agriculture and fishing to which sea trade was added. The development of salt exploitation, linked to fishing activities, allowed for the production of salted fish, one of the most important industries in Roman Lusitania (Edmondson 1987, Fabião 2009b). 

Jaime Cortesão was the first Portuguese author to suggest the existence of an “Atlantic settlement process” in Roman times (Fabião 2009a). Later studies have further analysed that topic (Edmondson 1987, Mantas 1990, Blot, M.L. 2003). It is interesting to note that the cases of the Sado and the Tagus rivers seem to confirm Jaime Cortesão’s supposition and, indeed, there are indications of coastal settlement (or coastal settlement increase) in Roman times (Fabião 2009a). It is in this context that we must understand the development of the fish products industry in Lusitania.

FISH PRODUCTS AND AMPHORAE FROM ROMAN LUSITANIA

The ancient Lusitanian maritime installations were made up by a set of harbours, the so-called “harbour complexes” (Blot, M.L. 1998, 154; Mantas 2000; Blot, M.L. 2003), integrated into the same navigable geographical reality, such as an estuary. In the same geographical contexts, and in close relationship with fish-processing factories, are known at least 18 pottery centres producing amphorae, located in the regions of Peniche, Sado and Tejo valleys, and the coasts of Alentejo and Algarve (Mayet 2001, Fabião 2004). In perfect geographic relationship with the kilns, and dependent on fishing and the extraction of salt, were developed the fish-salting workshops (Fabião 2009b) (Figures 1 and 2). 

Although the classical authors do not mention this kind of production in Lusitania, the importance of the salted fish industry is evident given the extensive structural remains of cetariae distributed along the southern and western coasts of the province, indicating a significant production volume (Fabião and Guerra 1993, 999; Étienne and Mayet 1993–94, 218). Moreover, with 25 identified fish-salting workshops, Tróia was one of the largest production centres in the Roman world (Vaz Pinto, Magalhães and Brum 2014, 156). 

The oldest evidence of a fish products industry and its containers dates from the beginnings of the Principate and is generally associated with ovoid amphorae from the Julio-Claudian period, particularly with the workshops of Abul and Pinheiro (Sado valley), and Morraçal da Ajuda (Peniche) (Fabião 2004, Fabião and Morais 2007, Fabião 2008). 

Between the middle of the 1st and the end of the 2nd centuries AD the Dressel 14 amphora dominated the production in Lusitanian kilns. During the 2nd century begins the production of a new type of amphora in the pottery centres of Sado and Tagus, the Lusitana 3. This type, characterised by its flat bottom that seems to be inspired by the Gauloise 4 type, has been typically associated with the transportation of wine. 

Between the end of the 2nd century and the beginnings of the 3rd century, profound changes in the production of fish products in Lusitania took place, changes that occurred at the level of organisation of fish processing units and the pottery workshops, and which made themselves felt in the import records of Lusitanian amphorae in the port of Ostia (Panella and Rizzo 2014), the city of Rome (Panella et al. 2010, Rizzo 2012) and progressively in the majority of Western Mediterranean sites. 

This transition period is marked by the abandonment of some produc tion units and by the restructuring or subdivision of the salting tanks. This discontinuity in the Lusitanian production is comparable to the occurred within the “Círculo del Estrecho” (Villaverde Vega 1990, Lagosténa Barrios 2001, Bernal Casasola 2008) and arises in correlation with the global set of economic and political changes that occurred in the Roman world between the end of the 2nd century and the beginnings of the 3rd century. 

In the course of the 3rd century we are witnessing a resumption of exploration and exportation, which reaches its peak during the 4th century. While the major centres at the rivers Sado and Tagus continue in operation, new centres emerge, especially in the Algarve (Fabião 2009b, 576). This new phase of production is characterised by a diversification of amphorae types 2 (Figure 3).

2 More information on forms, typologies and the characteristics of the materials can be obtained through the References cited below and http://amphorae.icac.cat/tipol/geo/map (Amphorae Ex Hispania). 

 

Between the 3rd and the 5th centuries AD, Almagro 51c replaced the Dressel 14 as the dominant form, and throughout this period three successive versions of this form were known. At the centres of the rivers Tagus and Sado, the Almagro 51c, Almagro 50 and Keay XVI forms were produced, as well as the Keay 78 form, at the Sado, and the flat-bottomed Lusitana 9, from the Tagus estuary. In the course of the 4th century appears the Almagro 51 A&B (Mayet 2001, Fabião 2004 and 2008). The Sado 3 form appears in the late 4th century or in the 5th century and its production is documented in the pottery workshop of Pinheiro (Mayet and Silva 1998 apud Fabião 2008, 742). The Beltrán 72 form, long considered as a production of the Algarve, was subsequently excluded from the Lusitanian productions by most authors and assigned to the late productions of the Cadiz Bay area (Fabião 2004, 397). However, current archaeological studies continue to refer to forms of this type with Lusitanian fabrics, which leaves the question open to discussion (Garcia Vargas 2007, 343; Bombico et al. 2014). 

The fish products industry continued, beyond the fall of the Roman Empire, up to the 6th century, according to the archaeological data of some amphora kilns and fish-processing sites (Fabião 2008, 740 and 743; Fabião 2009c). 

The data available for the study of the distribution of Lusitanian products are, for the most part, confined to the study of fish amphorae. This fact leads us to consider fish as the main food product produced and exported by the province, relegating the possible wine export to a secondary position. Unfortunately, the epigraphic tradition (stamps) is hardly present in the Lusitanian productions (Fabião and Guerra 2004) and the only titulus pictus known is the LIQ (uamen) in a Dressel 14 parva from the Arles-Rhône 3 area (Quillon 2011, 108). 

Some fish bone remains from processing tanks in Lusitania and Mediterranean shipwrecks, as well as the diversity of the amphorae forms, indicate that the province had produced and exported both salted fish (salsamenta) and fish sauces (garum, hallex, liquamen, muria, etc.), thus turning the rich sea life of the Atlantic waters into an economic advantage. 

On the basis of faunal remains, a clear pattern emerges in the spectrum of species used in the preparation of fish products in Roman times. The fish sauces were produced mainly from clupeiform fishes: sardines all itlaics, sardinella (Sardinella sp.) and, to a lesser extent, anchovies (Engraulis encrasicolus). Sea breams (Sparidae) were also regularly used, albeit usually in smaller proportions. For salsamenta, the Spanish mackerel (Scomber japonicus) was preferred, although the use of scad (Trachurus sp.) is also documented (Van Neer et al. 2010, 162). 

Figure 1 – Pottery centres: 1‑Morraçal da Ajuda; 2‑Garrocheira; 3‑Porto dos Cacos; 4‑Quinta do Rouxinol; 5‑Zambujalinho; 6‑Largo da Misericórdia; 7‑Quinta da Alegria; 8‑Pinheiro; 9‑Xarrosinha; 10‑Abul; 11‑Bugio; 12‑Barrosinha; 13‑Martinhal; 14‑Quinta do Lago; 15‑S. João da Venda; 16‑Torre de Aires; 17‑Manta Rota; 18‑S. Bartolomeu de Castro Marim. (Fabião 2004, 389) 

Figure 2 – Fish-salting workshops: 1‑Peniche (?); 2‑Cascais; 3‑Tagus estuary: Casa do Governador da Torre de Belém, Baixa de Lisboa, Porto Brandão and Cacilhas; Sado estuary: 4‑Creiro; 5‑Rasca; 6‑Comenda, Setubal and Tróia; 7‑Sines; 8‑Ilha do Pessegueiro; 9‑Beliche; 10‑Ilhéu da Baleeira (?); 11‑Salema; 12‑Boca do Rio; 13‑Burgau; 14‑Senhora da Luz; 15-Lagos and Meia Praia. 16 – Vau; 17 – Portimões; 18 – Baralha 2; 19 – Ferragudo; 20‑Armação de Pêra; 21‑Cerro da Vila; 22‑Quarteira; 23‑Loulé Velho; 24‑Quinta do Lago; 25‑Faro; 26‑Olhão; 27‑Quinta de Marim; 28‑Torre de Aires; 29‑Quinta do Muro and 30‑Cacela. (Fabião 2009b, 565)

Figure 3 – Lusitanian amphorae types: a) Dressel 14, b) Lusitana 3, c) Almagro 51c, d) Lusitana 9, e) Keay XVI, f) Almagro 50, g) Keay 78/Sado 1, h) Almagro 51 A&B and i) Sado 3

The archaeological evidences, from mid-1st century BC, reveal a major utilisation of Spanish mackerel in the Baetican production (Desse- Berset and Desse 2000; García Vargas 2006, 41). On the other hand, fish bones of sardines have been found in several Lusitanian amphorae from shipwrecks (Fabião and Guerra 1993, 1005–1006; Desse-Berset and Desse 2000) (Table 1). In addition, sardine (Sardina pilchardus) was the principal component of the contents found in the tanks from Lusitanian factories: “Casa do Governador”, Rua dos Correeiros, “Mandarim Chinês”, factories I and II of Tróia, Quinta do Marim (Olhão) and Travessa do Freire Gaspar (Setúbal). All the analysed fish remains came from a later phase in the use of fish vats, between the 3rd and the 5th centuries (Desse-Berset and Desse 2000, Assis and Amaro 2006, Gabriel et al. 2009). Thus, it seems that, at least in Late Antiquity, sardine was a most important element in the manufacturing of fish products in Lusitania. 

Nevertheless, the identification of processed fish remains is a complicated task, and there are still discrepancies between the archaeozoological evidence and the one provided by epigraphic and literary sources (Van Neer et al. 2010, 162). 

UNDERWATER MEMORIES FROM MARE NOSTRUM: SHIPWRECKS AND TRADE ROUTES

As an event that occurs at a single point in time, the shipwreck presents a very narrow chronological spectrum. Isochrony is one of the main characteristics of the goods transported by a ship and found among a shipwrecked cargo (Blot, J.-Y. 1998, 118). It is an exceptional archaeological context. “Each underwater shipwreck site that has been excavated and published provides a snapshot of the trade of its time, as we may deduce that all objects being transported were contemporary; if not produced in the same year, they were at least sold at the same time” (Mayet 1998, 83). 

Amphorae play an important role in the study of maritime trade, as they are containers specifically designed for maritime transport (Carreras Monfort 2000, 32). The importance of the amphorae found in the marine environment is linked to their context and conservation state. When conserved as a whole, which happens in many cases, it is possible to define their shape, size and capacity. They often preserve stamps and tituli picti that provide us with relevant information regarding origins, contents and trading processes. On the other hand, they allow us to infer navigation and maritime traffic routes that can be defined not only by the shipwreck location but also, and mainly, by the combination, in the same load, of archaeological materials of different origins. That is to say that, in some cases, the arrangement of different goods on board of a wrecked ship provides insight into the route of its final voyage, or the use of entrepôts (Parker 1992b, 89). 

Table 1 – Faunal remains in Lusitanian amphorae 

Note: In the shipwrecks of Catalans (Marseilles) and Sud-Lavezzi 1 have been identified remains of Spanish mackerel (Scomber japonicus) associated to the Almagro 51 A&B/Keay XIX amphora type, probably from a South-Hispanic fabric, non-Lusitanian.

The data included in this paper is part of a wider research project that is currently under way within the scope of the doctoral thesis of the author. The data presented here represents only a small sample of the data available for analysis, which corresponds to more than 40 shipwreck sites. Based on the published data (Edmonson 1987, Lopes and Mayet 1990, Parker 1992a, Étienne and Mayet 1993–94, Fabião 1996 and 1997), we are trying to update the inventory of shipwreck sites containing Lusitanian amphorae. In the late 1990s, Carlos Fabião presented an updated inventory with a total of 33 shipwreck sites that contained “Lusitanian type” amphorae (Fabião 1997), a much greater number of sites than the previous inventory from F. Mayet, which recorded 17 shipwrecks (Lopes and Mayet 1990, Étienne and Mayet 1993–94). More recently, Andrew Philip Souter, based solely on the above-mentioned published data, reintroduced a distribution of Mediterranean shipwrecks that contained Lusitanian amphorae (Souter 2012, 156). However, in the last 17 years, a set of new underwater archaeological works allowed for the adding of new shipwreck sites to the inventory (Bombico et al. 2014 and Bombico, in press). 

For this paper, only a small number of sites have been selected. They seem to correspond to different models of commerce and transport that fall largely within the east-west routes departing from the Iberian Peninsula towards Rome. The global analysis of the available data suggests a much more complex set of routes that include the Central and Eastern Mediterranean, but we will not address this here. 

Shipwrecks constitute a primary source for studies on the circulation of goods; however, they pose limitations. Shipwrecks have been described as closed deposits, and yet there may be elements of disturbance or contamination, especially in port contexts or ship graveyards, such as some sites in the Strait of Bonifacio. In some cases, mistaken topography and insufficient information about the material found or the site itself cause serious problems for the archaeological interpretation (Parker 1981, 332). 

The set of shipwrecks traditionally associated with the presence of “Lusitanian type” amphorae is, overall, a set of ill-characterised underwater sites. Those are, for the most part, sites where occasional surface sampling (with poor location records and lacking scientific rigour) took place, where a systematic archaeological intervention has never been carried out, and where results have been published in an incomplete way. The big challenge here would be to clarify these data, which, ideally, would entail the re-examination of all the amphorae that have been identified in all of the shipwreck contexts. Such challenge, however, will not be totally met within the scope of the aforesaid doctoral thesis, mainly for reasons that have to do with the time available to perform the investigation, and the ample geographical dispersion of the finds, and of the collections. On the other hand, much of the material recovered during the 1960s, the 1970s and the 1980s cannot be located. 

But perhaps the biggest problem in analysing these data is the recognition of Lusitanian fabrics. Their identification has proved problematic, mainly because of developments in the archaeological research of Hispanic pottery workshops. Today, we know that “Lusitanian type” amphorae (amongst which are the forms of wider distribution Dressel 14, and the Almagro 50 and 51 series) were also produced in other parts of southern Hispania (Bernal Casasola 1998, Bernal and García Vargas 2008, Fabião 2008). In order to clarify their origin it is necessary to reassess, in the light of the new data, the ceramic assemblages that were published in particular up until the 1990s and the inventories held in museums. On the other hand, it remains difficult to identify Lusitanian productions amongst the vast set of published data, as it is very common to find generic classifications of origin, such as “South-Hispanic” or simply “from the Iberian Peninsula”. 

It should also be taken into account that fish products were, in some cases, a secondary cargo that could have been part of a subsidiary and free trade system whose volumes did not come close to the ones of the redistribution of wheat, olive oil, wine, metals or marble, promoted by the state, and bound for the two great markets of the Roman world: Rome and the military camps (Tchernia 2011). In addition, the underwater archaeology data have emphasised the presumed complementary role of the diffusion of Lusitanian productions in relation to other regions, namely Baetica (Mantas 1990, 170 and 191; Lopes and Mayet 1990, 299 and 300). 

The set of shipwrecks with amphorae of Lusitanian production on board is quite heterogeneous. There are cases in which Lusitanian amphorae constitute the main cargo and cases in which they are secondary or supplementary cargo. There are also some examples in which their small quantity seems to indicate that they would have been part of the crew’s belongings. However, in any case, their presence allows us to establish chronologies and understand routes (direct, redistribution, long distance, cabotage, etc.). And in some cases, the remains of the hull may indicate the size and capacity of the vessel. 

The heterogeneity of the shipwrecks allowed us to conjecture a few different models of circulation and transportation. We have sought to build a comprehensive image of the diversity of existing cases over, i.e., from the middle of the 1st century AD to the end of the 5th century AD. Similarly to what has been recently done by Giulia Boetto (2012, 156), we have selected a heterogeneous sample of wrecks and applied hypothetical models of “commercial routes” to them (Figure 4).

The transportation of Lusitanian fish products must have occurred by way of a homogenous shipment that is loaded at the same time in a major port – located near the area of production of the cargo – and then sent through a direct route to another major port. This model is likely to have been used for transport between, for example, the port of Olisipo and Gades or Olisipo and Carthago Nova, and less likely to have been used in very long distance routes, such as the ones between Olisipo and Rome, although the shipwreck of Cala Reale A, in northern Sardinia, with a predominantly Lusitanian cargo, may suggest such model. Yet, it is very likely that a significant part of Lusitanian fish products may have been exported via negotiatores based in the port of Gades (Lopes and Mayet 1990, 300; Étienne and Mayet 1993–94, 216; Mantas 1998, 208 and 213). 

 

Figure 4 – Shipwrecks containing Lusitanian amphorae and discussed in the text: 

1st/2nd century: 1‑San Antonio Abad; 2‑Cap Bénat 1; 3‑Punta Sardegna A; 4‑Escombreras 4; 5‑Tiboulen-de-Maire 

3rd century: 6-Cabrera I; 7-Cabrera III; 8-Punta Ala A; 9-Porticcio A 

4th/5th century: 10-Cala Reale A; 11-Sud-Lavezzi 1; 12-Fontanamare A/Gonnesa Sito A; 13-Punta Vecchia 1; 14-Sancti Petri; 15-Scauri 

Therefore, we believe that shipwrecks with predominantly Lusitanian cargos can correspond to a model which is somewhat different from the one previously described and would originate from a South-Hispanic port, such as Gades or Carthago Nova – i.e., a homogenous shipment that is loaded at the same time in a major port – far away from the area of production of the majority of the goods – and sent through a direct route to another major port. The wrecks of San Antonio Abad/Grum de Sal (Ibiza), Cap Bénat 1 (Var, France) or Punta Sardegna A (Strait of Bonifacio), all with a homogeneous main cargo of Lusitanian Dressel 14 amphorae, which are datable from the second half of the 1st century to the middle of the 2nd century AD, fit into this type of route parting from the south of the Iberian Peninsula and heading to one of the larger ports of the south of Gaul or to the ports of Rome. 

In the summers of 1962 and 1963, archaeological campaigns were carried out at the shipwreck site of San Antonio Abad (Ibiza). Several amphorae belonging to the Dressel 14 type (Figure 5), containing a fish-based product, were retrieved, as well as some opercula (Vilar-Sancho and Mañá 1964 and 1965), the remains corresponding to a vessel with no less than 25 meters in length (Vilar Sancho and Mañá 1964, 187). Later, during the 1980s and 1990s, the site was again subject to archaeological works, and the ceramic materials were stored in the deposit of the Museo Arqueológico de Ibiza y Formentera. 

The shipwreck site known as Cap Bénat 1 had its first intervention in 1971. With the exception of two different fragments, a flat-bottomed amphora and a PE 25 from Ibiza, the total of the materials observed and retrieved belonged to the same amphora type. The formal description and the drawings allow us to identify the amphorae as being Dressel 14 (Figure 6), and the description of the fabric indicates a probable Lusitanian production (Calmes 1973, 142). There were also three opercula retrieved (Calmes 1973, 137–140). The majority of the retrieved pieces are presently in the Dépôt de Saint-Raphael (Fréjus); however, we were able to examine a rim fragment and a spike of Dressel 14 of Lusitanian fabric in the Depôt archéologique régional d’Aix les Milles. 

Figure 5 – Dressel 14 amphorae from San Antonio Abad shipwreck. (Vilar Sancho and Mañá 1965, Lamina XLVII) 

Figure 6 – Dressel 14 amphorae and opercula from Cap Bénat 1 shipwreck. (Calmes 1973, 143)

The site of Punta Sardegna A is located in the Maddalena Archipelago, in the southern part of the Strait of Bonifacio. This place has recently undergone underwater archaeological works carried out by the Università di Sassari, under the supervision of professor Pier Giorgio Spanu. Based on the work performed on the site, we can assume that the shipwreck was a vessel carrying mostly Lusitanian amphorae of fish products from the Dressel 14 type. But also a spike of Dressel 7-11, a handle of Dressel 20 from Baetica, a spike of Dressel 2-4 Italic and two opercula were recovered from the site (Porqueddu 2013, 86–90, 114–115; Porqueddu, Giarrusso and Spanu, in press). 

Until the mid-2nd century AD, archaeological records also present cases in which Lusitanian Dressel 14 amphorae were a secondary cargo, a residual cargo, or simply objects that belonged to the crew. We have chosen two examples: Escombreras 4 and Tiboulen-de-Maire. 

The site of Escombreras 4 is located on the coast of Carthago Nova. It is presumed to be the shipwreck of a merchant ship coming from Baetica with a main cargo of Haltern 70, Dressel 8 and 9, and some Beltrán IIB and Lusitanian Dressel 14, from the second half of the 1st century AD (Pinedo Reyes and Alonso Campoy 2004, 131–133). A specimen of these amphorae, which we were able to observe, is deposited in the MNAS (Arqua-Cartagena) (ESC-I/17.17/2/10354). 

The site of Tiboulen-de-Maire is located near a small island, to the south of Marseille. The site has undergone two underwater archaeological campaigns carried out by DRASSM (Département des recherches archéologiques subaquatiques et sous-marines) in 1977 and 1978. Since 1999, survey and excavations have been undertaken yearly at the site. It is a presumed shipwreck with a main cargo of Baetic olive oil amphorae Dressel 20 (70%), and a heterogeneous secondary cargo including: fish sauce amphorae types Beltrán IIA and IIB (14%), and Dressel 14 (2%); wine containers Gauloise 4 (4%), Dressel 28 (3%) and Dressel 2-4 from Tarraconensis (3%), two Forlimpopoli amphorae; a North African amphora and a Dressel 7-11 (Djaoui 2011, 625). The cargo materials establish a chronology between AD 130 and AD 150, and the archaeological works of the last decade allowed for the study of the remains of the hull (Ximénès and Moerman 2006). More recent campaigns, undertaken mostly after 2005, have confirmed that more than 80% of the transported goods were from Baetica, particularly olive oil. We can assume that there was a home port located in that region, with a hypothetical use of a redistribution port, such as Narbonne or Marseille (Ximénès 2007, 10; Djaoui 2011, 629). At the Dépôt archéologique régional d’Aix les Milles there is a top part of a Dressel 14 of Lusitanian fabric, retrieved from this shipwreck. 

The two following cases outline the maritime exports of Lusitanian fish products throughout the 3rd century AD. These were shipments of different product ranges, loaded at the same time at a main redistributing port and most likely headed for another main port. Lusitanian amphorae shared cargo space on board of the ships with Baetican and North African containers. This presents a peculiar scenario, since, within this chronology, there are no shipwrecks in which Lusitanian amphorae were the main cargo. This may be connected to the above mentioned period of transition, documented through the levels of archaeological finds related to the fish processing factories and amphora kilns in Lusitania. 

The shipwreck of Cabrera I was surveyed between 1978 and 1979 and is located at about 60 meters from Cabrera III. According to records from the time of the survey, it was possible to identify several amphorae of types Almagro 50 and 51C, Béltran 72, and Africana II variants B and D. This cargo is identical to the one of Cabrera III, which dates the shipwreck to AD 300–325 (Guerrero Ayuso and Colls 1982; Bost et al. 1992, 13; Parker 1992a, 80). 

The site of Cabrera III was also surveyed in 1979, having been later excavated in 1985 and 1986. The shipwreck was dated to the year AD 257, based on the treasure of coins aboard the ship. According to naval architecture data, this was a ship of about 35 meters in length. The cargo was stacked in two layers and was composed of Baetic olive oil amphorae Dressel 20 and Tejarillo I, Africana II variants B and C, Almagro 50 and 51C from Lusitania and a small number of Beltrán 68 and Beltrán 72. The cargo also included ARS types A and C (Guerrero Ayuso and Colls 1982; Bost et al. 1992; Parker 1992a, 81). The specimens from the types Almagro 50 and 51c, exhibited in the Museo de Cabrera, have Lusitanian fabrics. 

The archaeological works carried out at these sites led to the conclusion that, on the basis of the disposition of the containers, all had been shipped at the same time. So, considering the apparent Iberian provenience of much of the cargo and the location of the wreck in the Balearic Islands, it seems that the ship was in route from the Iberian Peninsula to Italy, with Gades as its most probable port of departure, and Ostia/ Portus as its likely destination (Bost et al. 1992, 200–202). 

The 3rd century reveals yet another interesting shipwreck context: the site of Porticcio A, located on the west coast of Corsica. This shipwreck contains a very heterogeneous cargo, probably loaded at the same time at a main redistributing port and transported along a redistribution route to a secondary port. The location of the shipwreck and the characteristics of its cargo suggest that this was a cargo that had been ordered. The site was discovered in 1990 and was subjected to archaeological works from 2001 onwards. The quite heterogeneous cargo includes amphorae form the eastern and western Mediterranean, ARS type C, common ware and African cooking ware, some mortaria, one lamp, over 100 glass objects and several fragments of marble statues (Alfonsi 2008a and 2010). The shipment of amphorae is mostly Kapitan II, with a smaller amount of Africana II and Kapitan I. The great variety of amphorae types also includes a smaller presence of the following types: Africana I, Forlimpopoli, Agora M254, Almagro 51C, Almagro 50, Dressel 20, Dressel 23, Agora F65/66, Crétoise 2, Dressel 30, Dressel 28, Beltrán 72, Amphore Égyptienne, Empoli, Tripolitana, Peacock & Williams 60 and Zemer 57, besides other unclassified types. The re-examination of the materials of the deposit of Sartène confirmed the presence of three rims and of a spike of Almagro 51C of Lusitanian fabric. Amongst the marble pieces, fragments belonging to two monumental statues stand out: a bust representing the Emperor Philip the Arab, who reigned between AD 244 and AD 249, and another one likely belonging to his wife, Empress Marcia Otacilia Severa (Alfonsi 2007, 93; 2008a and 2008b). Remains of the hull of the ship were also identified (Alfonsi 2003, 79 and 2006, 94). The two coins that were discovered, one from Philip I and another from Philip II, provide a terminus post quem of AD 248–9 for the shipwreck (Alfonsi 2006, 91). In this specific case, the Lusitanian amphorae are residual in a very heterogeneous cargo. Considering the description of the cargo, the most likely origin of this vessel was the port of Carthage. Michel Bonifay (2007, 257) compares this shipwreck to the one of Ognina Sud 1, dating to the first half of the 3rd century, in which a shipment of eastern Kapitan I and II amphorae completes a shipment of mostly Africana I. According to the author, these two shipwrecks suggest that the joint commercialisation of African and eastern types could have been done from the North African ports. 

During Late Antiquity, the number of shipwrecks containing Lusitanian amphorae is quite larger. This supports the archaeological data from Lusitania, which reveal a considerable increase in the production of fish products throughout the 4th century, and at the outset of the 5th century (Fabião 2009b, 571). Between the end of the 3rd century and the beginning of the 5th century, a quite varied set of shipwrecks sustains the evidence of distinct cargo typologies and of different circulation scenarios, likely contemporaneous. However, the main commerce routes that led from southern Baetica to Ostia and Portus via coastal Tarraconensis and southern Narbonensis were generally kept, as were the variants that used a process of island hopping (Balearic Islands, Corsica and Sardinia) on routes that led towards Italy via the Strait of Bonifacio. 

Figure 7 – Amphorae from Cala Reale A shipwreck. From the left to the right: Almagro 51&B, Sado 3, Beltrán 72 and Almagro 51C (Gasperetti 2012, fig.8)

Figure 8 – Amphorae from Fontanamare A shipwreck: Almagro 51C and Keay 78 (Dell’Amico et al. 2001-2002) 

Figure 9 – Almagro 51C from Punta Vecchia 1 shipwreck. Photo: Sónia Bombico

We will analyse three distinct types of cargo. Firstly, the Cala Reale A shipwreck (Strait of Bonifacio), in which the Lusitanian amphorae were, apparently, a homogeneous main cargo. (Figure 7). After its discovery, in 1995, the site has undergone various underwater archaeological campaigns. From what was published, we are able to confirm the existence of amphorae belonging to types Almagro 51 A&B, Almagro 51C, Beltrán 72 and Sado 3 (Spanu 1997, 111 and 112). Some of the amphorae still contained in situ their original cork stoppers and also some traces of fish-based products (Spanu 1997, 112). In addition to the amphorae, the archaeological works allowed for the recovery of two North African lamps, of African cooking ware, of a pitcher, of a considerable number of vitreous paste tessellae, and of two coins, one dated from the year 173 and one from the reign of the Emperor Valens (364–7). The set of materials that were retrieved allows us to establish a chronology for the shipwreck between the late 4th century and the middle of the 5th century. The total quantification revealed a cargo of around 2,000 amphorae. No remains of the vessel were identified during the whole excavation process. This vessel was likely bound for the port of Ostia and sank while approaching Turris Libisonis, possibly due to stormy weather or to touching bottom in rocky shoals (Gasperetti 2012, 301–303). During our visit to the Antiquarium Turritano and to the Centro di restauro e conservazione dei beni culturali di Sassari we were able to confirm that the totality of the above-mentioned forms was of Lusitanian origin. 

Also located on the Strait of Bonifacio, the shipwreck of Sud-Lavezzi 1, discovered in 1975, suggests a model in which the Lusitanian amphorae are the main cargo, along with other Hispanic products – Baetican in this case. Parts of the remains of the hull and some iron anchors were still preserved. The cargo, estimated at 450 amphorae, was arranged in two overlapping layers. Liou (1982, 437–444) studied this cargo, comprised of: 194 Almagro 51 A&B amphorae of varied profiles and capacities; 113 flat-bottomed amphorae of different sizes; 83 cylinder-shaped body amphorae from type Almagro 50 [or Keay 78]; some small amphorae of type Beltrán 72; 6 Almagro 51C and 3 Dressel 23. The splitting of the finds between the company Comex and the DRASSM resulted in the loss of some of the assets, aggravated later by the theft of the materials stored in the DRASSM deposit in Bonifacio. Liou suggests a time frame for the shipwreck somewhere between the 4th century and the middle of the 5th century (Massy 2013, 132–134). A small number of pieces are presently stored in the deposits of Milles and Sartène, allowing us to re-examine 13 specimens. We were able to identify the following Lusitanian fabrics: 3 Beltrán 72, 3 Almagro 51 A&B, and 2 Keay 78. 

The third model corresponds to a main cargo of Lusitanian fish products with North African products, Africana II variants B and D, and ARS types C and D. Two examples will be highlighted. 

The site of Fontanamare A/Gonnesa Sito A was excavated for the first time in 1972; however, the material that was retrieved remained unpublished until the late 1990s (Dell’Amico et al. 2001–2002). Three types of amphorae were documented on this site: Almagro 51C (the most abundant), Almagro 50 and/or Keay 78 (Figure 8) and Africana II variant D. Between 1997 and 1999, survey work took place on the site (Salvi and Sanna 2000). At least one third of the cargo appears to have been ARS, in this case the more typical forms of type C (second half of the 3rd century) and the more ancient forms of type D (beginnings of the 4th century AD). This site also revealed another set of interesting archaeological remains, among them: two amphorae cork stoppers; two lamp fragments and some common ware, probably belonging to the crew; tubuli and tegulae; metal pieces; and also some remains of the ship itself. Lastly, it is also worth mentioning that an important set of coins was found, with a chronological scope from AD 260 (Gallienus) to AD 294 (Maximianus), thus establishing the terminus post quem of the shipwreck (Dell’Amico et al. 2001–2002, 23, 45, 46, 52, 71, 83, 86, 87 and 127). The joint analysis of the recovered materials indicates that the shipwreck occurred within the first few decades of the 4th century AD. 

Dell’Amico and Pallarés suggest several hypotheses regarding the port where the ship that sank at Fontanamare was loaded. The first one presents the possibility that the loading took place in one of the redistribution ports on the southern coast of Spain. These were ports to which North African products converged via the so called “Phoenician Route”, a route that moved from east to west along the North African coast (Dell’Amico et al. 2001–2002, 142). This hypothetical scenario is similar to the one suggested for the shipwreck of Cabrera III (Bost et al. 1992, 200 and 201). Another hypothesis is that Carthage was the ship’s port of origin (Dell’Amico et al. 2001–2002, 144). In this case, the ship would have been moving in the opposite direction, meaning that Lusitanian products were being brought into the port of Carthage through routes established along the North African coast. 

From the site of Punta Vecchia 1 (Cap Corse), numerous amphorae fragments were recovered between 2004 and 2007, amounting to a total of 65 pieces. Amphora tops (rims, necks and handles) and spikes of Almagro 51C of two different sizes (67%) (Figure 9), one handle that could be of the Keay 78 form, possibly a spike of Almagro 51 A&B, another possible spike of Beltrán 72, and fragments of amphorae of Africana II, variants D and B (17%). The materials that were recovered point to the shipwreck having occurred between the late 3rd century and mid-4th century AD, with a predominately Lusitanian cargo. Small remains of wood were also identified during the works (Leroy de La Brière and Meysen 2004; Leroy de La Brière 2006, 87; Leroy de La Brière and Meysen 2007a, 88 and 89; Leroy de La Brière 2007b and Massy 2013, 110–114). The re-examination of the materials, performed in November of 2013 at the Depôt de Bastia (DRASSM), confirmed that the totality of the fragments of Almagro 51C were of Lusitanian fabric. 

This shipwreck, along with the Punta Ala A one (Dell’Amico and Pallarés 2006), confirms the circulation of Lusitanian amphorae on the circuits of the Tyrrhenian Sea and of the Ligurian Sea. Travelling along this route, ships would leave Rome, frequently with return cargos or cargos for redistribution, and when reaching the Strait of Bonifacio, would head north along the coast of Tuscany. Sailing through the Strait of Bonifacio from east to west was hindered significantly by the winds blowing from the west, so that travelling between Ostia and Gallia was done mostly through Cap Corse (Arnaud 2005, 165). A set of underwater archaeological data also documents that ships sailed in the opposite direction, along the northern coast of Corsica and of Cap Corse. This suggests an alternative route for the passing of the Strait of Bonifacio, not only for the vessels coming from Gallia, but also from the Iberian Peninsula (Arnaud 2012, 136–138). This might have been the case of the ship sunk in Punta Vecchia 1. 

The continued export of Lusitanian fish products during the 5th century, already substantiated by the Cala Reale A shipwreck, is also reliably documented in two other contexts: Sancti Petri (Bay of Cadiz) and Scauri (Island of Pantelleria) (Alonso Villalobos et al. 1994, Baldassari 2009a and 2009b). In spite of the evidence – revealed by these two sites – regarding the continuity of the exports of Lusitanian salting fish preparations during the 5th century, underwater archaeology has not yet been able to provide direct proof of its circulation after the fall of the Western Roman Empire. 

The shipwreck sites used to illustrate the different scenarios of the circulation of Lusitanian amphorae allow us to develop some hypotheses regarding navigation routes. Using as reference the work of Pascal Arnaud (2005) – Les routes de la navegation antique, Itinéraires en Mediterranée – a work that contains, in our opinion, all of the relevant information gathered in the last decades, added to by the analysis of the works of Antiquity geographers such as Strabo and Pliny, we can now present the major sailing routes departing from the Iberian Peninsula with courses set for the ports of Rome (Figure 10). 

Figure 10 – Ancient sailing routes.

CONCLUSION

The shipwreck sites selected and described in this paper depict the circulation of Lusitanian fish products throughout the main navigation routes along the Western Mediterranean. As we pointed out, the transportation models are highly diversified, being perfectly adjusted to the major tendencies in trade and to the economic transformations that, throughout the years, took place within the Roman Empire. Between the early part of the 1st century and mid-2nd century AD, Lusitanian amphorae mostly circulated alongside Hispanic food products from Baetica and Tarraconensis, namely olive oil (Dressel 20), wine (Dressel 2-4, Haltern 70 and Dressel 28), fish sauce (Dressel 7-11, Beltrán IIA and IIB, Dressel 14A and 17), as well as ingots of lead or copper. From mid-3rd century AD, it becomes quite frequent for Lusitanian amphorae to be found alongside with North African products, transported in Africana II amphorae, variants B, C and D, used for the transportation of various fish goods (Bonifay 2004). This is further supported by their discovery on the Cabrera III shipwreck where fish remains were still visible (Slim et al. 2007, 40). This reflects the economic changes that, during the Late Antiquity period (Rice 2011, 85), transformed the African provinces into the great suppliers of food products destined for Rome. Shipwrecks, such as Cabrera III, may be considered as the logical outcome of the institutionally established supply chain to the Empire’s capital, based mostly on olive oil. The Lusitanian salted fish preparations were therefore an additional cargo, stored in the vacant space on board of the ships, thus allowing for the establishment of a free trade. Nevertheless, as we demonstrated, a wide set of alternative scenarios may have to be considered, especially regarding the Late Antiquity period. 

Shipwrecks are only some of the pieces of the complex puzzle that is the distribution process of Lusitanian amphorae throughout the Mediterranean. Recreating a global scenario is a difficult task and will necessarily have to include the archaeological data from land contexts of the main maritime cities, coastal enclaves, ports and mooring places. In so far as this research is concerned, it has revealed the presence of Lusitanian amphorae in numerous archaeological contexts throughout the Western Mediterranean (Bombico et al. 2014 and Bombico, in press). 

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Salted Fish Industry in Roman Lusitania: Trade Memories between Oceanus and Mare Nostrum - Sónia Bombico
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